Discussion:
Por primera vez en la historia, un presidente boliviano rendirá homenaje a Che Guevara.
(demasiado antiguo para responder)
Barry Schier
2006-06-14 23:12:45 UTC
Permalink
Those who falsely accuse the Cuban Revolution of having had (or having)
"secret trials" deliberately ignore one fundanemtal fact: the
overwhelming majority of those ordered executed by Cuba's revolutionary
leaders -- of which Che was key member of that team -- were the
rmembers of the police and armed forces of the brutal regime of Batista
most guilty and/or most reputed for responsibility for tortures and
abuses of that U.S.-backed regime. Having a trial in a stadium before
tens of thousands and requested televising of same is scarcely a
"secret" trial.

In their hotly-contested race to win a prize for gratest contempt for
human rights and human rignity (with their leading entry as the U.S.
Administration's claim that "enemy combatants" should not be accorded
the rights of captured combatants specified by international law and
agreements (most originating and signed in Geneva), the apologists for
Washington's foreign policies now complain about victims of combat
deaths not receiving "due process of law."

Actually, part of the strategy of the Rebel Army (led by Che Guevara
and Fidel Castro, among many others) was to release captured soldiers
after confiscating their weapons and explaining the cause and goals of
the Rebel Army, knowing that the stories of how well they were treated
by the rebel forces would undercut the motivations for their fighting
given to them by their officers, i.e., fear that the rebels would them
badly and as well as distortions about the rebel's motivations and
cause concocted by the government. Tortore of the enemy is a patent of
imperialist armies, ESPECIALLY those of the U.S. government, but also
those of other imperialist forces, including the French who fought
Algerian insurgents fighting for their country's independence. (Those
who read the history of the armed forces of PL's Belgium will think
that a halo was / is certainly not a suitable fashion accessory for
them, especially during their occupation of the Congo. A failed
attempt to organize a guerrilla movement / popular insurgency against
the brutal and corrupt regime which the U.S. established with U.N. /
Belgian help was the motivation for Che Guevara going to the Congo a
few years prior to his final, fateful mission in Bolivia.)
Lunes 1 de Agosto de 2005
Más mito que realidad / Nota I de IV
Del socialismo a marca capitalista
El Che, cada vez más mito y menos realidad.
Por Alvaro Vargas Llosa
Para LA NACION
(Vea / See original for full text of article. How comforting it is to
know that there's another Vargas Llosa whose views are as reactionary
as that of author Mario, albeit without the same writing talent.)
216 DOCUMENTED VICTIMS OF CHÉ GUEVARA IN CUBA: 1957 TO 1959
CUBA ARCHIVE
From Armando M. Lago, Ph.D.´s
Cuba: The Human Cost of Social Revolution
Manuscript Pending Publication
The exact number of Che's victims in Cuba is unknown. Guevara is said to
have acknowledged ordering many executions -all carried out without
affording the victims due process of law. Combat deaths caused by Che
in Cuba or other countries where he led guerrilla operations have yet to
be tallied.
The following list is not exhaustive and includes only cases for which
historic reference is known -those he personally executed as well as
those killed under his orders. Names are cited as reported. Additional
details, including bibliographic information, are available for most cases.
Executed by Che in the Sierra Maestra during the anti-Batista guerrilla
struggle (1957-1958)
(List of 216 names and corresponding dates of death deleted from this
message. List of capacities / titles of executed indivdiuals did not
apear in the original message.
15 additional executions were reported by The New York Times, but names
are unknown.
"Guevara, Anatomía de un Mito", revelador documental sobre el Che
CONTACTO Magazine. Publicado el 18 de marzo de 2006.(also appeared in original message and is deleted here in order to save space -- and save Bromo-Seltzer. See original message for all deleted material.)
Barry Schier
2006-06-14 23:32:53 UTC
Permalink
{In posting the message below, which was in English, I neglected to
translate the heading into Enlgish as well; I am therefore reposting my
English-language comments.)
Post by Barry Schier
Those who falsely accuse the Cuban Revolution of having had (or having)
"secret trials" deliberately ignore one fundanemtal fact: the
overwhelming majority of those ordered executed by Cuba's revolutionary
leaders -- of which Che was key member of that team -- were the
rmembers of the police and armed forces of the brutal regime of Batista
most guilty and/or most reputed for responsibility for tortures and
abuses of that U.S.-backed regime. Having a trial in a stadium before
tens of thousands and requested televising of same is scarcely a
"secret" trial.
In their hotly-contested race to win a prize for gratest contempt for
human rights and human rignity (with their leading entry as the U.S.
Administration's claim that "enemy combatants" should not be accorded
the rights of captured combatants specified by international law and
agreements (most originating and signed in Geneva), the apologists for
Washington's foreign policies now complain about victims of combat
deaths not receiving "due process of law."
Actually, part of the strategy of the Rebel Army (led by Che Guevara
and Fidel Castro, among many others) was to release captured soldiers
after confiscating their weapons and explaining the cause and goals of
the Rebel Army, knowing that the stories of how well they were treated
by the rebel forces would undercut the motivations for their fighting
given to them by their officers, i.e., fear that the rebels would them
badly and as well as distortions about the rebel's motivations and
cause concocted by the government. Tortore of the enemy is a patent of
imperialist armies, ESPECIALLY those of the U.S. government, but also
those of other imperialist forces, including the French who fought
Algerian insurgents fighting for their country's independence. (Those
who read the history of the armed forces of PL's Belgium will think
that a halo was / is certainly not a suitable fashion accessory for
them, especially during their occupation of the Congo. A failed
attempt to organize a guerrilla movement / popular insurgency against
the brutal and corrupt regime which the U.S. established with U.N. /
Belgian help was the motivation for Che Guevara going to the Congo a
few years prior to his final, fateful mission in Bolivia.)
(See previous messages for original article and thread of discussion ,
which was mostly in Spanish).
T.Schmidt
2006-06-14 23:49:14 UTC
Permalink
True. Fidel made movies which were shown in many countries.

T.Schmidt
P.S. I suppose those movies must have been kept somewhere. They should
release them again.
---------------------------------------------------------
"Barry Schier" <***@yahoo.com> wrote in message news:***@h76g2000cwa.googlegroups.com...
Those who falsely accuse the Cuban Revolution of having had (or having)
"secret trials" deliberately ignore one fundanemtal fact: the
overwhelming majority of those ordered executed by Cuba's revolutionary
leaders -- of which Che was key member of that team -- were the
rmembers of the police and armed forces of the brutal regime of Batista
most guilty and/or most reputed for responsibility for tortures and
abuses of that U.S.-backed regime. Having a trial in a stadium before
tens of thousands and requested televising of same is scarcely a
"secret" trial.
< S N I P >
PL
2006-06-15 12:12:22 UTC
Permalink
Post by Barry Schier
Those who falsely accuse the Cuban Revolution of having had (or having)
"secret trials"
No "false accusations" at all comrade Barry.
reported facts.
Another of your lies exposed.

"Since then, Cuba has moved to muzzle dissidents, imprisoning 75 of them
last
year and a further 10 this year after one-day secret trials."
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/americas/3679777.stm

Fidel's recent secret trials and sentencing of 75 dissidents for up to 28
years in prison, and the summary execution of three ineffectual chaps who
tried to hijack a ferry to Florida (it ran out of petrol almost
immediately), have soured former friends.
http://www.nzherald.co.nz/storydisplay.cfm?storyID=3508925&thesection=news&thesubsection=dialogue
or: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/CubaVerdad/message/7197

In recent days, the Cuban government has undertaken the most significant
act of political repression in decades. Nearly 80 representatives of a
growing and truly independent civil society have been arrested, convicted
and sentenced to lengthy prison terms in summary, secret trials. Their only
crime was seeking basic human rights and freedoms.
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/CubaVerdad/message/6154

See:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/CubaVerdad/msearch?query=%22secret+trials%22&submit=Search&charset=UTF-8
Post by Barry Schier
deliberately ignore one fundanemtal fact
Those who read the history of the armed forces of PL's Belgium
nothing to do with me, but frustrated Barry loves his little "jabs" of
innuendo.
I don't deal in innuendo, Barry.
I don't try to blame other people for acts of their country.
I deal in facts and blame people for their own words and actions:
Barry supports:
- repression
http://www.cubaverdad.net/systematic_repression_of_dissent.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/cuba_repressive_machinery.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/repression.php
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/represion.php
- violations of the freedom of speech of Cubans
http://www.cubaverdad.net/freedom_of_speech.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/freedom_of_speech.php
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/internet.php
-violations of the freedom of movement of Cubans
http://www.cubaverdad.net/freedom_of_movement.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/freedom_of_movement.php
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/balsero.php
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/migration.php
- violations of other human rights in Cuba
http://www.cubaverdad.net/universal_declaration_of_human_rights.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/links_to_human_rights_reports.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/human_rights.php
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/derechos_humanos.php
- torture by the Cuban regime
http://www.cubaverdad.net/torture_in_cuba.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/a_cuban_punishment_cell.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/torture.php
- a totalitarian system
http://www.cubaverdad.net/totalitarian_system.htm
- repressive laws that violate human rights
http://www.cubaverdad.net/repressive_laws.htm
- imprisonment of peaceful opponents of the regime of Fidel Castro
http://www.cubaverdad.net/dissidents.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/75_imprisoned_in_march_2003.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/black_spring.php
- the destruction of thousands of life in acts of democide and politicide
http://www.cubaverdad.net/genocide.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/13_de_marzo.htm
Post by Barry Schier
the brutal and corrupt regime which the U.S. established with U.N. /
Belgian help was the motivation for Che Guevara going to the Congo a
You mean where he became a "case study" in failing to respect the local
culture which also led to his downfall in Bolivia and where he desperately
failes - as Castro did later in Angole - to spread communism to Africa.

PL
Post by Barry Schier
Lunes 1 de Agosto de 2005
Más mito que realidad / Nota I de IV
Del socialismo a marca capitalista
El Che, cada vez más mito y menos realidad.
Por Alvaro Vargas Llosa
Para LA NACION
(Vea / See original for full text of article. How comforting it is to
know that there's another Vargas Llosa whose views are as reactionary
as that of author Mario, albeit without the same writing talent.)
Post by Barry Schier
216 DOCUMENTED VICTIMS OF CHÉ GUEVARA IN CUBA: 1957 TO 1959
CUBA ARCHIVE
From Armando M. Lago, Ph.D.Žs
Cuba: The Human Cost of Social Revolution
Manuscript Pending Publication
The exact number of Che's victims in Cuba is unknown. Guevara is said to
have acknowledged ordering many executions -all carried out without
affording the victims due process of law. Combat deaths caused by Che
in Cuba or other countries where he led guerrilla operations have yet to
be tallied.
The following list is not exhaustive and includes only cases for which
historic reference is known -those he personally executed as well as
those killed under his orders. Names are cited as reported. Additional
details, including bibliographic information, are available for most cases.
Executed by Che in the Sierra Maestra during the anti-Batista guerrilla
struggle (1957-1958)
(List of 216 names and corresponding dates of death deleted from this
message. List of capacities / titles of executed indivdiuals did not
apear in the original message.
Post by Barry Schier
15 additional executions were reported by The New York Times, but names
are unknown.
"Guevara, Anatomía de un Mito", revelador documental sobre el Che
CONTACTO Magazine. Publicado el 18 de marzo de 2006.(also appeared in
original message and is deleted here in order to save space -- and save
Bromo-Seltzer. See original message for all deleted material.)
T.Schmidt
2006-06-15 14:38:51 UTC
Permalink
Tanta bulla hablando mal del Ché Guevara y ahora va a terminar de héroe y
quizá hasta de santo. Sin duda Uds. son la gente mas bruta del planeta. Es
casi una ley que cubano bueno se muere, solo los que quedan son malos y
brutos.Necesitan purificación racial, que las chicas cubanas no se casen más
con cubanos y busquen hombres con mejores genes, hay que mejorar la raza.

T.Schmidt
-------------------------------------------
Post by Barry Schier
Those who falsely accuse the Cuban Revolution of having had (or having)
"secret trials"
< snip de propaganda yanqui, ya Uds. la han vista antes>
PL
2006-06-15 17:21:47 UTC
Permalink
Post by T.Schmidt
Tanta bulla hablando mal del Ché Guevara
Yo no "hablo mal" del Che.
Doy enlaces a informacion sobre el Che.
Mira: http://ernesto-el-che-guevara.piranho.de/index.html
Video: http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm
Post by T.Schmidt
y ahora va a terminar de héroe y
quizá hasta de santo.
De ninguna manera.
No te preocupes.

PL
T.Schmidt
2006-06-15 20:22:36 UTC
Permalink
Mentiroso, tu eres un difamador, posiblemente pagado por el Imperio

T.Schmidt
------------------------------------------------
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
Tanta bulla hablando mal del Ché Guevara
Yo no "hablo mal" del Che.
Doy enlaces a informacion sobre el Che.
Mira: http://ernesto-el-che-guevara.piranho.de/index.html
Video: http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm
Post by T.Schmidt
y ahora va a terminar de héroe y
quizá hasta de santo.
De ninguna manera.
No te preocupes.
PL
PL
2006-06-15 22:12:47 UTC
Permalink
Post by T.Schmidt
Mentiroso,
el "mentiroso" eres tu.
Lo dijiste tu mismo.
"Y ya he dicho como cien veces que chequéen lo que digo, que no siempre la
verdad es lo que digo"
http://groups.google.be/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/2532e3cde9b17e51?dmode=source&hl=en
Post by T.Schmidt
tu eres un difamador
no.
Yo digo la verdad como lo he dicho sobre ti:
TUS palabras y enlaces a los mensajes donde lo dijiste:
- "Los cubanos son malos y ahora me doy cuenta que ni para reparar paredes
sirven"
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/aeaf5dd944b853e5?dmode=source&hl=en- " Posiblemente los cubanos además de malos, son brutos. Y porque esténenla isla no se ven mejor que los que están por fuera."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/7009dad31c3a3086?dmode=source&hl=en- "Los polacos tienen fama en Europa de ser un poco brutos, quién sabequémetida de pata habrán cometido. También es posible que Fidel hayaescogido alos que consider menos inteligentes para hacerles pasar un malrato. Conalemanes no se hubiearn atrevido."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/6c8ab95ab2dd9749?dmode=source&hl=en- "Y la superioridad de los alemanes es una verdad absoluta, comprobada através de los milenios.."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/9ef0f67bfbf2d3d9?dmode=source&hl=en- "Alemania está por encima del mundo, acostúmbrate a la idea, subhumanoBirthday speech by Dr. Joseph Goebbels on the 19th of April 1945,Deutschland, Deutschland Uber alles, (Amemania encima de todo)http://www.pzg.biz/cd_speeches.htm"http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/3b4a16af18dfef57?dmode=source&hl=enY una mas:"Deutschland uber Alles" no, Herr SSchmidt?Entre "Alemania encima de todo" y "Alemania está por encima del mundo" nohay NINGUNA diferencia.>, posiblemente pagado por el Imperiomas mentiras de un racista frustrado.Ha dicho Herr SSchmidt:"Y ya he dicho como cien veces que chequéen lo que digo, que no siempre laverdad es lo que digo"http://groups.google.be/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/2532e3cde9b17e51?dmode=source&hl=enPL> ------------------------------------------------> "PL" <***@pandora.be> wrote in message> news:LGgkg.483735$***@phobos.telenet-ops.be...>>>> "T.Schmidt" <***@sprint.ca> wrote in message>> news:e6rrc6$oon$***@news.ndhu.edu.tw...>> > Tanta bulla hablando mal del Ché Guevara>>>> Yo no "hablo mal" del Che.>> Doy enlaces a informacion sobre el Che.>> Mira: http://ernesto-el-che-guevara.piranho.de/index.html>> Video: http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm>>>> > y ahora va a terminar de héroe y>> > quizá hasta de santo.>>>> De ninguna manera.>> No te preocupes.>>>> PL>>>>>>
T.Schmidt
2006-06-15 22:20:12 UTC
Permalink
Gracias por la propaganda, menso. ¿Quién es el tonto útil?

T.Schmidt
P.S. Yo posteo en soc.culture.colombia y soc.culture.venezuela. Venagan a
leerme
------------------------------------------------
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
Mentiroso,
el "mentiroso" eres tu.
Lo dijiste tu mismo.
"Y ya he dicho como cien veces que chequéen lo que digo, que no siempre la
verdad es lo que digo"
http://groups.google.be/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/2532e3cde9b17e51?dmode=source&hl=en
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
tu eres un difamador
no.
- "Los cubanos son malos y ahora me doy cuenta que ni para reparar paredes
sirven"
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/aeaf5dd944b853e5?dmode=source&hl=en-
" Posiblemente los cubanos además de malos, son brutos. Y porque esténenla
isla no se ven mejor que los que están por
fuera."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/7009dad31c3a3086?
dmode=source&hl=en- "Los polacos tienen fama en Europa de ser un poco
brutos, quién sabequémetida de pata habrán cometido. También es posible que
Fidel hayaescogido alos que consider menos inteligentes para hacerles pasar
un malrato. Conalemanes no se hubiearn
atrevido."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/6c8ab95ab2dd97
49?dmode=source&hl=en- "Y la superioridad de los alemanes es una verdad
absoluta, comprobada através de los
milenios.."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/9ef0f67bfbf2d
3d9?dmode=source&hl=en- "Alemania está por encima del mundo, acostúmbrate a
la idea, subhumanoBirthday speech by Dr. Joseph Goebbels on the 19th of
April 1945,Deutschland, Deutschland Uber alles, (Amemania encima de
todo)http://www.pzg.biz/cd_speeches.htm"http://groups.google.com/group/soc.c
ulture.cuba/msg/3b4a16af18dfef57?dmode=source&hl=enY una mas:"Deutschland
uber Alles" no, Herr SSchmidt?Entre "Alemania encima de todo" y "Alemania
está por encima del mundo" nohay NINGUNA diferencia.>, posiblemente pagado
por el Imperiomas mentiras de un racista frustrado.Ha dicho Herr SSchmidt:"Y
ya he dicho como cien veces que chequéen lo que digo, que no siempre
laverdad es lo que
digo"http://groups.google.be/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/2532e3cde9b17e51?dmo
de=source&hl=enPL> ------------------------------------------------> "PL"
<***@pandora.be> wrote in message> news:LGgkg.483735$***@phobos.telenet-ops.be...>>>> "T.Schmidt"
<***@sprint.ca> wrote in message>> news:e6rrc6$oon$***@news.ndhu.edu.tw...>> > Tanta bulla hablando mal del Ché
Guevara>>>> Yo no "hablo mal" del Che.>> Doy enlaces a informacion sobre el
Che.>> Mira: http://ernesto-el-che-guevara.piranho.de/index.html>> Video:
http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm>>>> > y ahora va a
terminar de héroe y>> > quizá hasta de santo.>>>> De ninguna manera.>> No te
preocupes.>>>> PL>>>>>>
PL
2006-06-16 00:07:37 UTC
Permalink
Post by T.Schmidt
Gracias por la propaganda
Propaganda?
Sigue soñando viejo racista.

PL
Post by T.Schmidt
------------------------------------------------
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
Mentiroso,
el "mentiroso" eres tu.
Lo dijiste tu mismo.
"Y ya he dicho como cien veces que chequéen lo que digo, que no siempre la
verdad es lo que digo"
http://groups.google.be/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/2532e3cde9b17e51?dmode=source&hl=en
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
tu eres un difamador
no.
- "Los cubanos son malos y ahora me doy cuenta que ni para reparar
paredes
Post by PL
sirven"
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/aeaf5dd944b853e5?dmode=source&hl=en-
" Posiblemente los cubanos además de malos, son brutos. Y porque esténenla
isla no se ven mejor que los que están por
fuera."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/7009dad31c3a3086?
dmode=source&hl=en- "Los polacos tienen fama en Europa de ser un poco
brutos, quién sabequémetida de pata habrán cometido. También es posible que
Fidel hayaescogido alos que consider menos inteligentes para hacerles pasar
un malrato. Conalemanes no se hubiearn
atrevido."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/6c8ab95ab2dd97
49?dmode=source&hl=en- "Y la superioridad de los alemanes es una verdad
absoluta, comprobada através de los
milenios.."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/9ef0f67bfbf2d
3d9?dmode=source&hl=en- "Alemania está por encima del mundo, acostúmbrate a
la idea, subhumanoBirthday speech by Dr. Joseph Goebbels on the 19th of
April 1945,Deutschland, Deutschland Uber alles, (Amemania encima de
todo)http://www.pzg.biz/cd_speeches.htm"http://groups.google.com/group/soc.c
ulture.cuba/msg/3b4a16af18dfef57?dmode=source&hl=enY una mas:"Deutschland
uber Alles" no, Herr SSchmidt?Entre "Alemania encima de todo" y "Alemania
está por encima del mundo" nohay NINGUNA diferencia.>, posiblemente pagado
por el Imperiomas mentiras de un racista frustrado.Ha dicho Herr SSchmidt:"Y
ya he dicho como cien veces que chequéen lo que digo, que no siempre
laverdad es lo que
digo"http://groups.google.be/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/2532e3cde9b17e51?dmo
de=source&hl=enPL> ------------------------------------------------> "PL"
Guevara>>>> Yo no "hablo mal" del Che.>> Doy enlaces a informacion sobre el
http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm>>>> > y ahora va a
terminar de héroe y>> > quizá hasta de santo.>>>> De ninguna manera.>> No te
preocupes.>>>> PL>>>>>>
T.Schmidt
2006-06-16 00:22:08 UTC
Permalink
No soy racista, pero té sí eres bruto, brutísimo..

T.Schmidt
----------------------------------------
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
Gracias por la propaganda
Propaganda?
Sigue soñando viejo racista.
PL
Post by T.Schmidt
------------------------------------------------
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
Mentiroso,
el "mentiroso" eres tu.
Lo dijiste tu mismo.
"Y ya he dicho como cien veces que chequéen lo que digo, que no siempre la
verdad es lo que digo"
http://groups.google.be/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/2532e3cde9b17e51?dmode=source&hl=en
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
tu eres un difamador
no.
- "Los cubanos son malos y ahora me doy cuenta que ni para reparar
paredes
Post by PL
sirven"
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/aeaf5dd944b853e5?dmode=source&hl=en-
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
" Posiblemente los cubanos además de malos, son brutos. Y porque esténenla
isla no se ven mejor que los que están por
fuera."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/7009dad31c3a3086?
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
dmode=source&hl=en- "Los polacos tienen fama en Europa de ser un poco
brutos, quién sabequémetida de pata habrán cometido. También es posible que
Fidel hayaescogido alos que consider menos inteligentes para hacerles pasar
un malrato. Conalemanes no se hubiearn
atrevido."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/6c8ab95ab2dd97
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
49?dmode=source&hl=en- "Y la superioridad de los alemanes es una verdad
absoluta, comprobada através de los
milenios.."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/9ef0f67bfbf2d
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
3d9?dmode=source&hl=en- "Alemania está por encima del mundo,
acostúmbrate
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
a
la idea, subhumanoBirthday speech by Dr. Joseph Goebbels on the 19th of
April 1945,Deutschland, Deutschland Uber alles, (Amemania encima de
todo)http://www.pzg.biz/cd_speeches.htm"http://groups.google.com/group/soc.c
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
ulture.cuba/msg/3b4a16af18dfef57?dmode=source&hl=enY una
mas:"Deutschland
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
uber Alles" no, Herr SSchmidt?Entre "Alemania encima de todo" y "Alemania
está por encima del mundo" nohay NINGUNA diferencia.>, posiblemente pagado
por el Imperiomas mentiras de un racista frustrado.Ha dicho Herr SSchmidt:"Y
ya he dicho como cien veces que chequéen lo que digo, que no siempre
laverdad es lo que
digo"http://groups.google.be/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/2532e3cde9b17e51?dmo
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
de=source&hl=enPL> ------------------------------------------------> "PL"
Ché
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
Guevara>>>> Yo no "hablo mal" del Che.>> Doy enlaces a informacion sobre el
http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm>>>> > y ahora va a
terminar de héroe y>> > quizá hasta de santo.>>>> De ninguna manera.>>
No
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
te
preocupes.>>>> PL>>>>>>
PL
2006-06-16 08:44:22 UTC
Permalink
Post by T.Schmidt
No soy racista, pero té sí eres bruto, brutísimo..
Si lo eres Herr SSchmidt.

Tus palabras lo muestran.

- "Los cubanos son malos y ahora me doy cuenta que ni para reparar paredes
sirven"
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/aeaf5dd944b853e5?dmode=source&hl=en- " Posiblemente los cubanos además de malos, son brutos. Y porqueesténenla isla no se ven mejor que los que están por fuera."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/7009dad31c3a3086?dmode=source&hl=en- "Los polacos tienen fama en Europa de ser un poco brutos, quiénsabequémetida de pata habrán cometido. También es posible que Fidelhayaescogido alos que consider menos inteligentes para hacerles pasar unmalrato. Conalemanes no se hubiearn atrevido."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/6c8ab95ab2dd9749?dmode=source&hl=en- "Y la superioridad de los alemanes es una verdad absoluta, comprobadaatravés de los milenios.."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/9ef0f67bfbf2d3d9?dmode=source&hl=en- "Alemania está por encima del mundo, acostúmbrate a la idea, subhumano"Birthday speech by Dr. Joseph Goebbels on the 19th of April1945,Deutschland, Deutschland Uber alles, (Amemania encima detodo)http://www.pzg.biz/cd_speeches.htm"http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/3b4a16af18dfef57?dmode=source&hl=enDeutschland uber Alles" no, Herr SSchmidt?Entre "Alemania encima de todo" y "Alemania está por encima del mundo" nohayNINGUNA diferenciaPeo dijiste tu mismo que uno ne te podemos creer, no?"Y ya he dicho como cien veces que chequéen lo que digo, que no siempre laverdad es lo que digo"http://groups.google.be/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/2532e3cde9b17e51?dmode=source&hl=enPL> "PL" <***@pandora.be> wrote in message> news:dDmkg.484231$***@phobos.telenet-ops.be...>>>> "T.Schmidt" <***@sprint.ca> wrote in message>> news:e6smd9$2d6t$***@news.ndhu.edu.tw...>> > Gracias por la propaganda>>>> Propaganda?>> Sigue soñando viejo racista.>>>> PL>>>>>> > ------------------------------------------------>> > "PL" <***@pandora.be> wrote in message>> > news:zXkkg.484109$***@phobos.telenet-ops.be...>> >>>> >> "T.Schmidt" <***@sprint.ca> wrote in message>> >> news:e6sfgs$25ip$***@news.ndhu.edu.tw...>> >> > Mentiroso,>> >>>> >> el "mentiroso" eres tu.>> >> Lo dijiste tu mismo.>> >> "Y ya he dicho como cien veces que chequéen lo que digo, que nosiempre>> >> la>> >> verdad es lo que digo">> >>>> >>http://groups.google.be/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/2532e3cde9b17e51?dmode=source&hl=en>> >>>> >> > tu eres un difamador>> >>>> >> no.>> >> Yo digo la verdad como lo he dicho sobre ti:>> >> TUS palabras y enlaces a los mensajes donde lo dijiste:>> >> - "Los cubanos son malos y ahora me doy cuenta que ni para reparar>> > paredes>> >> sirven">> >>>> >>http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/aeaf5dd944b853e5?dmode=source&hl=en->> > " Posiblemente los cubanos además de malos, son brutos. Y porque> esténenla>> > isla no se ven mejor que los que están por>> >>fuera."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/7009dad31c3a3086?>> > dmode=source&hl=en- "Los polacos tienen fama en Europa de ser un poco>> > brutos, quién sabequémetida de pata habrán cometido. También es posible>> > que>> > Fidel hayaescogido alos que consider menos inteligentes para hacerles>> > pasar>> > un malrato. Conalemanes no se hubiearn>> >>atrevido."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/6c8ab95ab2dd97>> > 49?dmode=source&hl=en- "Y la superioridad de los alemanes es una verdad>> > absoluta, comprobada através de los>> >>milenios.."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/9ef0f67bfbf2d>> > 3d9?dmode=source&hl=en- "Alemania está por encima del mundo,> acostúmbrate>> > a>> > la idea, subhumanoBirthday speech by Dr. Joseph Goebbels on the 19th of>> > April 1945,Deutschland, Deutschland Uber alles, (Amemania encima de>> >>todo)http://www.pzg.biz/cd_speeches.htm"http://groups.google.com/group/soc.c>> > ulture.cuba/msg/3b4a16af18dfef57?dmode=source&hl=enY una> mas:"Deutschland>> > uber Alles" no, Herr SSchmidt?Entre "Alemania encima de todo" y> "Alemania>> > está por encima del mundo" nohay NINGUNA diferencia.>, posiblemente> pagado>> > por el Imperiomas mentiras de un racista frustrado.Ha dicho Herr>> > SSchmidt:"Y>> > ya he dicho como cien veces que chequéen lo que digo, que no siempre>> > laverdad es lo que>> >>digo"http://groups.google.be/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/2532e3cde9b17e51?dmo>> > de=source&hl=enPL> ------------------------------------------------>> "PL">> > <***@pandora.be> wrote in message>>> > news:LGgkg.483735$***@phobos.telenet-ops.be...>>>> "T.Schmidt">> > <***@sprint.ca> wrote in message>>>> > news:e6rrc6$oon$***@news.ndhu.edu.tw...>> > Tanta bulla hablando mal del> Ché>> > Guevara>>>> Yo no "hablo mal" del Che.>> Doy enlaces a informacionsobre>> > el>> > Che.>> Mira: http://ernesto-el-che-guevara.piranho.de/index.html>>> Video:>> > http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm>>>> > y ahora va> a>> > terminar de héroe y>> > quizá hasta de santo.>>>> De ninguna manera.>>> No>> > te>> > preocupes.>>>> PL>>>>>>>> >>>> >>> >>>>>>>
T.Schmidt
2006-06-16 20:05:05 UTC
Permalink
I am not a racist, but you subhuman Cuban certainly are a spammer. Go back
to the Zoo.

T.Schmidt
P.S. [1] Somebody should report you for abusing all these NG's. I don't do
it because I am for freedom of expression.
P.S. [2] From your postings it is easy to see you have criminal tendencies.
It is very common among backward people to be violent and subversive. You
are a good example.
----------------------------------
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
No soy racista, pero té sí eres bruto, brutísimo..
Si lo eres Herr SSchmidt.
Tus palabras lo muestran.
- "Los cubanos son malos y ahora me doy cuenta que ni para reparar paredes
sirven"
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/aeaf5dd944b853e5?dmode=source&hl=en-
" Posiblemente los cubanos además de malos, son brutos. Y porqueesténenla
isla no se ven mejor que los que están por
fuera."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/7009dad31c3a3086?
dmode=source&hl=en- "Los polacos tienen fama en Europa de ser un poco
brutos, quiénsabequémetida de pata habrán cometido. También es posible que
Fidelhayaescogido alos que consider menos inteligentes para hacerles pasar
unmalrato. Conalemanes no se hubiearn
atrevido."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/6c8ab95ab2dd97
49?dmode=source&hl=en- "Y la superioridad de los alemanes es una verdad
absoluta, comprobadaatravés de los
milenios.."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/9ef0f67bfbf2d
3d9?dmode=source&hl=en- "Alemania está por encima del mundo, acostúmbrate a
la idea, subhumano"Birthday speech by Dr. Joseph Goebbels on the 19th of
April1945,Deutschland, Deutschland Uber alles, (Amemania encima
detodo)http://www.pzg.biz/cd_speeches.htm"http://groups.google.com/group/soc
.culture.cuba/msg/3b4a16af18dfef57?dmode=source&hl=enDeutschland uber Alles"
no, Herr SSchmidt?Entre "Alemania encima de todo" y "Alemania está por
encima del mundo" nohayNINGUNA diferenciaPeo dijiste tu mismo que uno ne te
podemos creer, no?"Y ya he dicho como cien veces que chequéen lo que digo,
que no siempre laverdad es lo que
digo"http://groups.google.be/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/2532e3cde9b17e51?dmo
de=source&hl=enPL> "PL" <***@pandora.be> wrote in message> news:dDmkg.484231$***@phobos.telenet-ops.be...>>>> "T.Schmidt"
<***@sprint.ca> wrote in message>> news:e6smd9$2d6t$***@news.ndhu.edu.tw...>> > Gracias por la propaganda>>>>
Propaganda?>> Sigue soñando viejo racista.>>>> PL>>>>>>
Post by PL
------------------------------------------------>> > "PL"
<***@pandora.be> wrote in message>> > news:zXkkg.484109$***@phobos.telenet-ops.be...>> >>>> >>
"T.Schmidt" <***@sprint.ca> wrote in message>> >> news:e6sfgs$25ip$***@news.ndhu.edu.tw...>> >> > Mentiroso,>> >>>> >> el
"mentiroso" eres tu.>> >> Lo dijiste tu mismo.>> >> "Y ya he dicho como cien
veces que chequéen lo que digo, que nosiempre>> >> la>> >> verdad es lo que
digo">> >>>>
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
http://groups.google.be/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/2532e3cde9b17e51?dmode=
source&hl=en>> >>>> >> > tu eres un difamador>> >>>> >> no.>> >> Yo digo la
verdad como lo he dicho sobre ti:>> >> TUS palabras y enlaces a los mensajes
donde lo dijiste:>> >> - "Los cubanos son malos y ahora me doy cuenta que
ni para reparar>> > paredes>> >> sirven">> >>>>
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/aeaf5dd944b853e5?dmode
=source&hl=en->> > " Posiblemente los cubanos además de malos, son brutos. Y
porque> esténenla>> > isla no se ven mejor que los que están por>>
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
fuera."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/7009dad31c3a308
6?>> > dmode=source&hl=en- "Los polacos tienen fama en Europa de ser un
poco>> > brutos, quién sabequémetida de pata habrán cometido. También es
posible>> > que>> > Fidel hayaescogido alos que consider menos inteligentes
para hacerles>> > pasar>> > un malrato. Conalemanes no se hubiearn>>
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
atrevido."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/6c8ab95ab2dd
97>> > 49?dmode=source&hl=en- "Y la superioridad de los alemanes es una
verdad>> > absoluta, comprobada através de los>>
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
milenios.."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/9ef0f67bfbf
2d>> > 3d9?dmode=source&hl=en- "Alemania está por encima del mundo,>
acostúmbrate>> > a>> > la idea, subhumanoBirthday speech by Dr. Joseph
Goebbels on the 19th of>> > April 1945,Deutschland, Deutschland Uber alles,
(Amemania encima de>>
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
todo)http://www.pzg.biz/cd_speeches.htm"http://groups.google.com/group/soc
.c>> > ulture.cuba/msg/3b4a16af18dfef57?dmode=source&hl=enY una>
mas:"Deutschland>> > uber Alles" no, Herr SSchmidt?Entre "Alemania encima de
todo" y> "Alemania>> > está por encima del mundo" nohay NINGUNA
diferencia.>, posiblemente> pagado>> > por el Imperiomas mentiras de un
racista frustrado.Ha dicho Herr>> > SSchmidt:"Y>> > ya he dicho como cien
veces que chequéen lo que digo, que no siempre>> > laverdad es lo que>>
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
digo"http://groups.google.be/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/2532e3cde9b17e51?d
mo>> > de=source&hl=enPL> ------------------------------------------------>>
"PL">> > <***@pandora.be> wrote in message>>> > news:LGgkg.483735$***@phobos.telenet-ops.be...>>>> "T.Schmidt">> >
<***@sprint.ca> wrote in message>>>> > news:e6rrc6$oon$***@news.ndhu.edu.tw...>> > Tanta bulla hablando mal del>
Ché>> > Guevara>>>> Yo no "hablo mal" del Che.>> Doy enlaces a
informacionsobre>> > el>> > Che.>> Mira:
http://ernesto-el-che-guevara.piranho.de/index.html>>> Video:>> >
http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm>>>> > y ahora va> a>>
Post by PL
terminar de héroe y>> > quizá hasta de santo.>>>> De ninguna manera.>>>
No>> > te>> > preocupes.>>>> PL>>>>>>>> >>>> >>> >>>>>>>
PL
2006-06-16 21:09:36 UTC
Permalink
Post by T.Schmidt
I am not a racist, but you subhuman Cuban
Thanks for showing you are indeed a racist that considres other people as
"subhuman".
Todos sabemos a quienes tu das tu "admiracion".
Quines tu piensas son "superio".
Pobre racista. Das pena.

PL
Post by T.Schmidt
----------------------------------
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
No soy racista, pero té sí eres bruto, brutísimo..
Si lo eres Herr SSchmidt.
Tus palabras lo muestran.
- "Los cubanos son malos y ahora me doy cuenta que ni para reparar
paredes
Post by PL
sirven"
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/aeaf5dd944b853e5?dmode=source&hl=en-
" Posiblemente los cubanos además de malos, son brutos. Y porqueesténenla
isla no se ven mejor que los que están por
fuera."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/7009dad31c3a3086?
dmode=source&hl=en- "Los polacos tienen fama en Europa de ser un poco
brutos, quiénsabequémetida de pata habrán cometido. También es posible que
Fidelhayaescogido alos que consider menos inteligentes para hacerles pasar
unmalrato. Conalemanes no se hubiearn
atrevido."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/6c8ab95ab2dd97
49?dmode=source&hl=en- "Y la superioridad de los alemanes es una verdad
absoluta, comprobadaatravés de los
milenios.."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/9ef0f67bfbf2d
3d9?dmode=source&hl=en- "Alemania está por encima del mundo, acostúmbrate a
la idea, subhumano"Birthday speech by Dr. Joseph Goebbels on the 19th of
April1945,Deutschland, Deutschland Uber alles, (Amemania encima
detodo)http://www.pzg.biz/cd_speeches.htm"http://groups.google.com/group/soc
.culture.cuba/msg/3b4a16af18dfef57?dmode=source&hl=enDeutschland uber Alles"
no, Herr SSchmidt?Entre "Alemania encima de todo" y "Alemania está por
encima del mundo" nohayNINGUNA diferenciaPeo dijiste tu mismo que uno ne te
podemos creer, no?"Y ya he dicho como cien veces que chequéen lo que digo,
que no siempre laverdad es lo que
digo"http://groups.google.be/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/2532e3cde9b17e51?dmo
Propaganda?>> Sigue soñando viejo racista.>>>> PL>>>>>>
Post by PL
------------------------------------------------>> > "PL"
"mentiroso" eres tu.>> >> Lo dijiste tu mismo.>> >> "Y ya he dicho como cien
veces que chequéen lo que digo, que nosiempre>> >> la>> >> verdad es lo que
digo">> >>>>
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
http://groups.google.be/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/2532e3cde9b17e51?dmode=
source&hl=en>> >>>> >> > tu eres un difamador>> >>>> >> no.>> >> Yo digo la
verdad como lo he dicho sobre ti:>> >> TUS palabras y enlaces a los mensajes
donde lo dijiste:>> >> - "Los cubanos son malos y ahora me doy cuenta que
ni para reparar>> > paredes>> >> sirven">> >>>>
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/aeaf5dd944b853e5?dmode
=source&hl=en->> > " Posiblemente los cubanos además de malos, son brutos. Y
porque> esténenla>> > isla no se ven mejor que los que están por>>
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
fuera."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/7009dad31c3a308
6?>> > dmode=source&hl=en- "Los polacos tienen fama en Europa de ser un
poco>> > brutos, quién sabequémetida de pata habrán cometido. También es
posible>> > que>> > Fidel hayaescogido alos que consider menos
inteligentes
para hacerles>> > pasar>> > un malrato. Conalemanes no se hubiearn>>
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
atrevido."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/6c8ab95ab2dd
97>> > 49?dmode=source&hl=en- "Y la superioridad de los alemanes es una
verdad>> > absoluta, comprobada através de los>>
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
milenios.."http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/9ef0f67bfbf
2d>> > 3d9?dmode=source&hl=en- "Alemania está por encima del mundo,>
acostúmbrate>> > a>> > la idea, subhumanoBirthday speech by Dr. Joseph
Goebbels on the 19th of>> > April 1945,Deutschland, Deutschland Uber alles,
(Amemania encima de>>
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
todo)http://www.pzg.biz/cd_speeches.htm"http://groups.google.com/group/soc
.c>> > ulture.cuba/msg/3b4a16af18dfef57?dmode=source&hl=enY una>
mas:"Deutschland>> > uber Alles" no, Herr SSchmidt?Entre "Alemania encima de
todo" y> "Alemania>> > está por encima del mundo" nohay NINGUNA
diferencia.>, posiblemente> pagado>> > por el Imperiomas mentiras de un
racista frustrado.Ha dicho Herr>> > SSchmidt:"Y>> > ya he dicho como cien
veces que chequéen lo que digo, que no siempre>> > laverdad es lo que>>
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
digo"http://groups.google.be/group/soc.culture.cuba/msg/2532e3cde9b17e51?d
mo>> >
de=source&hl=enPL> ------------------------------------------------>>
Ché>> > Guevara>>>> Yo no "hablo mal" del Che.>> Doy enlaces a
http://ernesto-el-che-guevara.piranho.de/index.html>>> Video:>> >
http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm>>>> > y ahora va> a>>
Post by PL
terminar de héroe y>> > quizá hasta de santo.>>>> De ninguna manera.>>>
No>> > te>> > preocupes.>>>> PL>>>>>>>> >>>> >>> >>>>>>>
Barry Schier
2006-06-16 05:00:42 UTC
Permalink
Instead of slandering Che here, PL just "gives information" by
providing hyperlinks to those who raison d'etre seems to be a
combination of libel of Che as an individual and of the revolution
which Dr. Enresto Guevara (i.e., "Che") helped lead during its early
days.
Indeed, PL (who translates into multiple languages, all dialects of the
language of opponents of the Cuban Revolution spoken with a U.S. State
Department accent)
"speaks no evil" about Che Guevara. The "see no evil, speak no evil,
hear no evil" trio is part of his repeated messages, articles, and
commentaries denying that the U.S. embargo against Cuba even exists --
as well as messages, articles, and commentaries denying that the
non-existent U.S. embargo against Cuba has any effect -- and, to make
it appear that a Web site whose raison d'etre is to prove that Cuba has
changed into a hell compared to its days as a comparative paradise as a
U.S. neocolony under U.S.-backed dictator Batista. Ah, but wait! Cuba
was never a neo-colony and Batista was never a dictator. PL indeed has
a right to object to being called a parrot of the gusano line, for he
adds his own individual twist:

All nearly universally acceptied statstics provided by reputable health
organizations (and even the CIA) which are favorable to revolutionary
Cuba (i.e., 0.62% infant mortality, 95%-98% literacy) are quite suspect
(if not lies, in PL eyes) as second-hand information given them by
Castro whose information embargo is real (as opposed to the U.S.
embargo against Cuba which is a figment of the imagination of the 179
countries which voted against it in the most recent United Nations
General Assembly vote on the matter).

Presumably, all those sets of birth certificates and death certificates
are also manufactured by Castro's propaganda machine, for they reveal
that Cuba is one of the few "Third World" nations whose life expectancy
rate has been continually increasing. Cuba's life expectancy (which,
according to that Communist propaganda organization, the United States
Central Intelligence Agency, published in CIA World Factbook, is 77
years, that is, about 1 year behind that of the United States.

-- Barry Schier





--- Barry Schier
Post by PL
Post by T.Schmidt
Tanta bulla hablando mal del Ché Guevara
Yo no "hablo mal" del Che.
Doy enlaces a informacion sobre el Che.
Mira: http://ernesto-el-che-guevara.piranho.de/index.html
Video: http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm
Post by T.Schmidt
y ahora va a terminar de héroe y
quizá hasta de santo.
De ninguna manera.
No te preocupes.
PL
PL
2006-06-16 08:32:08 UTC
Permalink
Post by Barry Schier
Instead of slandering Che here
You mean posting links to data about Che.
Post by Barry Schier
, PL just "gives information" by
providing hyperlinks to those who raison d'etre seems to be a
combination of libel of Che
So you deny that he killed people, failed everywhere outside Cuba and that
he was betrayed by Castro.
Get a life Barry. Che is now a textbook example of cultural insensitivity
and failed revolutionary zeal.
Post by Barry Schier
Indeed, PL (who translates into multiple languages, all dialects of the
language of opponents of the Cuban Revolution
I don't oppose the true aims of the Cuban revolution, just the Castro coup
(with the help of Batista's old allies the communists).

From a man labeled by our group Stalinists as "Trotskyite"
" Yet you only have to look at the July 26th movement before 1959 to see
that
is wrong. Their programme was for the restoration of the 1940 Constitution,
in other words for a bourgeois-democratic republic. They said in their
manifesto that nationalisation was a "cumbersome instrument" and that Cuba
would be "a loyal ally" of their Northern neighbour. Castro himself said in
an interview in 1970 that, "In 1959 there was no class consciousness, only
class instinct, which is not the same thing", and referred to the revolution
in the early months of 1959 as neither capitalist nor socialist but "olive
green". The Castroites labelled the Communist Party "totalitarian".
http://archive.workersliberty.org/wlmags/wl54/cuba.htm
Post by Barry Schier
spoken with a U.S. State Department accent)
doing some "slandering" yourself here I see.
get a life Barry.
People that are reduced to this kind of childish innuendo just show they
have no arguments nor facts to post.
You support
- repression
http://www.cubaverdad.net/systematic_repression_of_dissent.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/cuba_repressive_machinery.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/repression.php
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/represion.php
- violations of the freedom of speech of Cubans
http://www.cubaverdad.net/freedom_of_speech.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/freedom_of_speech.php
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/internet.php
-violations of the freedom of movement of Cubans
http://www.cubaverdad.net/freedom_of_movement.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/freedom_of_movement.php
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/balsero.php
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/migration.php
- violations of other human rights in Cuba
http://www.cubaverdad.net/universal_declaration_of_human_rights.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/links_to_human_rights_reports.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/human_rights.php
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/derechos_humanos.php
- torture by the Cuban regime
http://www.cubaverdad.net/torture_in_cuba.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/a_cuban_punishment_cell.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/torture.php
- a totalitarian system
http://www.cubaverdad.net/totalitarian_system.htm
- repressive laws that violate human rights
http://www.cubaverdad.net/repressive_laws.htm
- imprisonment of peaceful opponents of the regime of Fidel Castro
http://www.cubaverdad.net/dissidents.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/75_imprisoned_in_march_2003.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/black_spring.php
- the destruction of thousands of life in acts of democide and politicide
http://www.cubaverdad.net/genocide.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/13_de_marzo.htm
Post by Barry Schier
a Web site whose raison d'etre is to prove that Cuba
violates human rights as shown here
http://www.cubaverdad.net/
with links to 100 reports from human rights organizations.
http://www.cubaverdad.net/links_to_human_rights_reports.htm
Post by Barry Schier
has changed into a hell compared to its days as a comparative paradise
Well Barry, much to your despair I am just quoting Castro and other top
Cuban leaders.

Cuba, the "Pearl of the Antilles," though by no means a paradise, was not,
as many believe, an economically backward country. Castro himself admitted
that while there was poverty, there was no economic crisis and no hunger in
Cuba before the Revolution. (See Maurice Halperin: The Rise and Fall of
Fidel Castro, University of California, 1972, pgs. 24, 25, 37)
Armando Hart, a member of Castro's innermost ruling group, made the
extremely significant observation that:

. . . it is certain that capitalism had attained high levels of
organization, efficiency and production that declined after the Revolution.
. . (Juventud Rebelde, November 2, 1969; quoted by Rene Dumont, Is Cuba
Socialist?, p. 85)
Paul A. Baran, an ardent pro-Castroite in the equally ardent Monthly Review
pamphlet, Reflections on the Cuban Revolution (1961) substantiates what
every economist, as well as amateurs like Castro, has been saying:
...the Cuban Revolution was born with a silver spoon in its mouth. . .the
world renowned French agronomist, Rene Dumont, has estimated that if
properly cultivated as intensively as South China, Cuba could feed fifty
million people. . . the Cuban Revolution is spared the painful, but
ineluctable compulsion that has beset preceding socialist revolutions: the
necessity to force tightening of people's belts in order to lay the
foundations for a better tomorrow. . .(p. 23)
Theodore Draper quotes Anial Escalante, (before he was purged by Castro) one
of the leading communists, who admitted that:
...in reality, Cuba was not one of the countries with the lowest standard
of living of the masses in America, but on the contrary, one of the highest
standards of living, and it was here where the first great . . . democratic
social revolution of the continent burst forth. . . If the historical
development had been dictated by the false axiom [revolutions come first in
poorest countries] the revolution should have been first produced in Haiti,
Colombia or even Chile, countries of greater poverty for the masses than the
Cuba of 1958. . . (quoted in Draper's Castro's Revolution: Myths and
Realities; New York, 1962, p. 22)

http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/anarchist_archives/bright/dolgoff/cubanrevolution/chapter7.html
Post by Barry Schier
Batista was never a dictator.
Another lie from comrade Barry.
I have alwas stated that Batista was a dictator and that I supported the
ant-Batista revolution and it's aim to restore the 1940 constitution.
http://www.cubaverdad.net/revolution.htm

On Batista and the communists (from an anarchist website):
Where were the communists during the Cuban revolution? If we believe Fidel
Castro not on the side of the revolution:

In the course of the guerrilla struggle in the Sierra Maestra mountains, he
(Castro) delivered another speech which, once again, stresses his distance
from the Communists:

"What right does Senor Batista have to speak of Communism? After all, in the
elections of 1940 he was the candidate of the Communist Party ... his
portrait hung next to Blas Roca's and Lazaro Pena's; and half a dozen
ministers and confidants of his are leading members of the CP."
H.M. Enzenburger, Raids and Reconstructions, London, 1976, p.200.

See: http://www.marxisme.dk/arkiv/binns/80-cucas.htm

A version of the facts confirmed in this (Marxist) source:


In November 1940, the communists supported Batista's candidates in the
elections to the Constituent Assembly. In return for their support, Batista
allowed the communists to organize and control the government sponsored
union, Cuban Confederation of Labor (CTC Confederacion de Trabajadores de
Cuba) The first Secretary General of the CTC was Lazaro Pena--who,
ironically, enough, held the same post in the Castro regime. In exchange for
these favors the communists guaranteed Batista labor peace.

(also see the video: Cuba Memoria Sindical) In line with the Communist
Party's "Popular Front Against Fascism" policy, the alliance of the
Communist Party with the Batista was officially consumated when the Party
joined the Batista government. The Communist Party leaders Carlos Rafael
Rodriguez and Juan Marinello (who now hold high posts in the Castro
government) became Ministers Without Portfolio in Batista's Cabinet. To
illustrate the intimate connections between the communists and Batista, we
quote from a letter of Batista to Blas Roca, Secretary of the Communist
Party:

June 13,1944
Dear Blas,
With respect to your letter which our mutual friend, Dr. Carlos Rafael
Rodriguez, Minister Without Portfolio, passed to me, I am happy to again
express my firm unshakeable confidence in the loyal cooperation the People's
Socialist Party [the then official name of the Communist Party of Cuba] its
leaders and members have given and continue to give myself and my
government. . .

Believe me, as always, Your very affectionate and cordial friend,
Fulgencio Batista


In the electoral campaign the Communist candidates won ten seats in the
Cuban parliament and more than a hundred posts in the Municipal councils.

In line with their pro-Batista policy the communists joined Batista in
condemning Fidel Castro's attack on the Moncada Barracks (July 1953 -- the
anniversary of the attack is a national holiday in Castro Cuba)
. . . the life of the People's Socialist Party (communist). . . has been to
combat . . . and unmask the putschists and adventurous activities of the
bourgeois opposition as being against the interests of the people. . .
(reported in Daily Worker, U.S organ of the Communist Party, August 10,
1953)
Throughout the Batista period the communists pursued two parallel policies:
overtly they criticized Batista and covertly they cooperated with him.

http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bright/dolgoff/cubanrevolution/chapter6.html



Also: see the video: Cuba Memoria Sindical

http://www.cubaverdad.net/cuba_trade_union_history.htm





The Cuban Revolution
A Critical Perspective
by Sam Dolgoff



The Character of the Cuban Revolution

A Non-Social Revolution

The myth, induced by the revolutionary euphoria of the pro-Castro left, that
a genuine social-revolution took place in Cuba, is based on a number of
major fallacies. Among them is the idea that a social revolution can take
place in a small semi-developed island, a country with a population of about
eight million, totally dependent for the uninterrupted flow of vital
supplies upon either of the great super-powers, Russia or the U.S. They
assume falsely that these voracious powers will not take advantage of Cuba's
situation to promote their own selfish interests. There can be no more
convincing evidence of this tragic impossibility than Castro's sycophantic
attitude toward his benefactor, the Soviet Union, going so far as to applaud
Russia's invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, a crime certainly on a par with
the military coup in Chile, which Castro rightfully condemned. To assume,
furthermore, that the Cuban social revolution can be miraculously achieved
without simultaneous uprisings in Latin America and elsewhere, is both naive
and irresponsible.

Nationalization Versus Socialism

To equate nationalization of the economy and social services instituted from
above by the decree "revolutionary government" or a caudillo, with true
socialism is a dangerous illusion. Nationalization and similar measures,
under the name of "welfareism," are common. They are widespread, and in many
cases deep-going programs, instituted by democratic "welfare" states or
"benevolent" dictators as an antidote to revolution, and are by no means
equtvalent to socialism.

Russia and Cuba: Two Revolutions Compared

Another fallacy about the nature of the Cuban Revolution can perhaps be best
illustrated by contrasting the early stages of the Russian Revolution of
1917 with the Cuban events. Analogies between the Russian and Cuban
Revolutions--like analogies in general--fail to take into account certain
important differences:

Czarism was OVERTHROWN by the spontaneous revolts of the peasant and
proletarian masses only after a prolonged and bloody civil war.

In Cuba, the Batista regime COLLAPSED WITHOUT A STRUGGLE for lack of popular
support. There were no peasant revolts. No general strikes. Theodor Draper
(and many other observers) argues persuasively that since there were at
least "500,000 agricultural workers in Cuba" there could not have been many
peasants in a

. . . guerrilla force that never amounted to more than a thousand. . . there
was nothing comparable in Cuba to the classic peasant revolution led by
Zapata in Mexico in 1910. . . there was no national peasant uprising.
Outside the immediate vicinity of the guerrilla forces, revolutionary
activity, in the country as a whole, was largely a middle class phenomenon,
with some working class support, but without working class
organizations...(Castroism: Theory and Practice; New York, 1965, p. 74-75)
[This takes on added significance when we consider that the unions comprised
ONE MILLION out of a total population of about six million when the
Revolution began, Jan. 1, 1959.]

In Russia, the masses made the social revolution BEFORE the establishment of
the Bolshevik government. Lenin climbed to power by voicing the demands of,
and legalizing the social revolutionary DEEDS of the workers and peasants:
"All Power to the Soviets," "The Land to the Peasants," "The Factories to
the Workers," etc. In Cuba, Castro, for fear of losing popular support,
carefully avoided a social-revolutionary platform--assuming that he had one.
Unlike Lenin, he came to power because he promised to put into effect the
bourgeois-democratic program.

History is full of unexpected twists and turns. Ironically enough, these two
different revolutions had similar results: Both Lenin and Castro betrayed
their respective revolutions, instituted totalitarian regimes and ruled by
decree from above.

The well-known anarcho-syndicalist writer and activist, Augustin Souchy,
makes a cogent comparison between the Spanish Revolution (1936-1939) and the
Cuban Revolution (both of which he personally witnessed):

. . . while in Spain, the confiscation of the land and the organization of
the collectives was initiated and carried through, by the peasants
themselves; in Cuba, social-economic transformation was initiated, not by
the people, but by Castro and his comrades-in-arms. It is this distinction
that accounts for the different development of the two revolutions; Spain,
mass revolution from the bottom up; Cuba, revolution from the top down by
decree . . . (see Cuba. An Eyewitness Report, below)

Which brings to mind the celebrated phrase of the "Apostle" of Cuban
independence Jose Marti: "To Change the Master Is Not To Be Free."

Revolution the Latin American Way

The Cuban Revolution draws its specific character from a variety of sources.
While not a Latin American "palace revolution" which produced no deep seated
social changes, it nevertheless relates to the tradition of miltarism and
bogus paternalism of Latin American "Caudillismo," the "Man on Horseback."
"Caudillismo"--"right" or "left," "revolutionary" or "reactionary"--is a
chronic affliction in Latin America since the wars for independence
initiated by Simon Bolivar in 1810. The "revolutionary caudillo" Juan Peron
of Argentina, catapulted to power by "leftist" army officers, was deposed by
"rightist" military officers. Maurice Halperin calls attention to the ". . .
expropriation of vast properties in Peru in 1968 and in Bolivia in 1969 by
the very generals who had destroyed Cuban supported guerrilla uprisings in
their respective countries. . . " (The Rise and Fall of Fidel Castro;
University of California, 1972, p. 118)

The militarization of Cuban society by a revolutionary dictatorship headed
by the "Caudillo" of the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro follows, in general,
the Latin American pattern. Like other revolutionary Latin American
"Caudillos, " Castro would come to power only on the basis of programs
designed to win the indispensable support of the masses. Edwin Lieuwen
marshalls impressive evidence:

. . . In Chile in 1924, Major Carlos Ibanez established a military
dictatorship [that] was notably successful in combining authoritarian rule
with policies aimed at meeting popular demands for greater social justice.
Successful but short lived revolutions took place during 1936 under the
leadership of radical young officers inspired by ideas of social reform and
authoritarian nationalism. . In Bolivia a clique of radical young officers
came to power. Major David Toro and Colonel German Busch successfully headed
regimes that had social revolution as their goals. . . they catered to

the downtrodden and pledged to build a new nation. Toro and Busch based
their dictatorial regimes on attempts to win mass support ... (Arms and
Politics in Latin America; New York, 1961, pgs. 60, 62, 78, 79)

When in 1968, a "revolutionary" military Junta seized power in Peru, the new
military government proclaimed the fundamental principle underlying all
"radical" military regimes":

. . . the final aim of the State, being the welfare of the nation; and the
armed forces being the instrument which the State uses to impose its
policies, therefore, . . . in order to arrive at collective prosperity, the
armed forces have the mission to watch over the social welfare, the final
aim of the State... (quoted, Modes of Political Change in Latin America, ed.
Paul Sigmund, New York, 1970, p. 201)

Dr. Carlos Delgado, Director of the Information Bureau of the Revolutionary
Government of Peru, after stressing that the revolution was " . . .
initiated from above" by decree, boasted that the dictatorship in "...the
last four and a half years" accomplished more for the betterment of the
people than in the "whole epoch of Republican rule." The revolution was
hailed, boasted Delgado, even by the French Marxist thinker, Henri Lefebvre,
as one of the most important historical events of the contemporary world..."
(see Reconstruir, anarchist bi-monthly, Buenos Aires, Nov.-Dec. 1974)

There is an umbilical connection between militarism and the State, fully
compatible with, and indispensable to, all varieties of State
"socialism"--or more accurately State Capitalism. George Pendle (and other
observers) with respect to Peron's social and welfare programs initiated to
woo mass support concludes that:

...Peron's National Institute of Social Security...converted Argentina to
one of the most advanced countries in South America. . . it was not
surprising that the majority of workers preferred Peron to their traditional
leaders...they felt that Peron accomplished more for them in a few years
than the Socialist Party achieved in decades...(Argentina; Oxford University
Press, London, 1965, pas. 97, 99)

. . . In Havana Premier Fidel Castro proclaimed three days of mourning and
Cuban officials termed Peron's death a blow to all Latin America. . .(New
York Times, July 2, 1974) This cynical proclamation was not made solely for
tactical reasons, but in recognition of the affinity between the Castro and
Peron regimes. As early as 1961, there were already informal contacts
between Che Guevara and Angel Borlenghi "... a number two man in Peron's
government and his Minister of the Interior for eight years ... Che told
Borlenghi that there's no question about it that Peron was the most advanced
embodiment of political and economic reform in Argentina ... and under Che's
guidance a rapport was established between the Cuban Revolution and the
Peronist movement ... Che has in his possession a letter from Peron
expressing admiration for Castro and the Cuban Revolution and Che had raised
the question of inviting Peron to settle in Havana . . . " (quoted by
Halperin, from Ricardo Rojo's work, My Friend Che; ibid. p. 329-330)

Herbert Matthews supplements Rojo's revelations:...the Argentine journalist
Jorge Massetti who went into the Sierra Maestra in 1958, became friends with
Guevara. He was trained for guerrilla warfare in the Sierra Maestra and in
1964 was killed in a guerrilla raid in Argentina . . . Massetti was credited
with convincing Guevara that Peronism approximated his own ideas. Hilda
Gadea--Guevara's first wife--wrote that for Ernesto Guevara, the fall of
Peron Sept. 1955 was a heavy blow. Che and Massetti blamed it,...'on North
American Imperialists'...(ibid. p. 258)

[Carmelo Mesa-Lago notes the connection between State Socialism and
militarism. Castro enthusiastically hailed] " . . . the Peruvian Social
Revolution as a progressive military group playing a revolutionary role. .
." (Cuba in the 1970s: University of New Mexico Press, 1975, p. 11]) In an
interview, Castro emphatically maintained that social revolution is
compatible with military dictatorship, not only in Peru, but also in
Portugal and Panama.

[When the military junta in Peru] took power...the first thing they did was
to implement agrarian reform which was MUCH MORE RADICAL than the agrarian
reform we initiated in Cuba. It put a much lower limit on the size of
properties; organized cooperatives, agricultural communities; . . . they
also pushed in other fields--in the field of education, social development,
industrialization. . . We must also see the example of Portugal where the
military played a decisive role in political change. . .and are on their way
to finding solutions. . . we have Peru and Panama--where the military are
acting as catalysts in favor of the revolution. . . (Castro quoted by Frank
and Kirby Jones, With Fidel; New York, 1975, p. 195-196)

[The evidence sustains Donald Druze's conclusion that] . . . the programs of
modern 'caudillos' embodies so many features of centralism and National
Socialism, that it almost inevitably blends into communism...(Latin America:
An interpretive History; New York, 1972, p. 570)

Militarism flourishes in Cuba as in Latin America. Castro projected
militarism to a degree unequalled by his predecessor, Batista: total
domination of social, economic and political life. In the Spring of 1959, a
few months after the Revolution of January 1st, Castro, who appointed
himself the "Lider Maximo" ("Caudillo") of the Revolution and
Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, promised to cut the size of the army
in half and ultimately to disband and replace it by civilian militias and
police. "The last thing I am," said Castro, "is a military man . . . ours is
a country without generals and colonels. . . "

Within a year after the disintegration of the Batista Army, Castro turned
Cuba into a thoroughly militarized state, with the most formidable armed
force of any in Latin America. For the first time in Cuban history,
compulsory military service was instituted. Now, Cuba has adopted the
traditional hierarchical ranking system of conventional armies. The Cuban
army differs in no essential respect from the armies of both "capitalist"
and "socialist" imperialist powers.

"Communism" a la Castro

Insofar as relations with the communists are concerned, Theodore Draper
notes the striking resemblance between the policies of Batista and Castro:

. . . Batista paid off the communists for their support, by among other
things, permitting them to set up an official trade union federation, the
Confederacion de Trabajadores de Cuba (CTC) with Lazaro Pena as its
Secretary-General. In 1961, Castro paid off the communists for their
support, by, among other things, permitting Lazaro Pena to come back
officially as Secretary General of the CTC...(ibid. p. 204)

If we accept at face value Castro's conversion to "communism," his
"communism" embodies the Latin American version of Stalinism, absolute
personal dictatorship. But "Caudillos" are not primarily ideologues. They
are, above all, political adventurers. In their lust for power, they are not
guided by ethical considerations, as they claim. In this respect, there is
no essential difference between capitalist states and "revolutionary
socialist states." All dictators conceal their true visage behind the facade
of a political party, paying lip service to goals supposedly popular with
the masses. Castro became a "communist" because he considered that his
survival in power depended on cementing cordial relations with his saviors,
the "socialist" countries (former enemies) and by extension with Batista's
former allies, the domestic "communists." To promote his ends, Castro
established relations with Franco Spain and the Vatican. Nor did he hesitate
to side with the Arab oil magnates--lords over their impoverished
subjects--in the mid-east disputes, or to endorse the Russian invasion of
Czecho-Slovakia.

The Real Revolution Is Yet To Come

Albert Camus observed:

. . . the major event of the twentieth century has been the abandonment of
the values of liberty on the part of the revolutionary movement, the
weakening of Libertarian Socialism, vis-a-vis Caesarist and militaristic
socialism. Since then, a great hope has disappeared from the world, to be
replaced by a deep sense of emptiness in the hearts of all who yearn for
freedom... (Neither victims Nor Executioners)

Whether Castro is working out his own unique brand of "Cuban Socialism" is a
relatively minor question. Even if Castro had no connection with the
communist movement, his mania for personal power would lead inevitably to
the establishment of an "independent" totalitarian regime. What is decisive
is that the Cuban Revolution follows the pattern established in this century
by the aborted Russian Revolution of 1917. This pattern is the
counter-revolution of the State.



See:
http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bright/dolgoff/cubanrevolution/chapter3.html
Post by Barry Schier
PL indeed has a right to object to being called a parrot
but you in no way can object to being a parrot of the Stalinist pro Castro
line, no?
Post by Barry Schier
All nearly universally acceptied statstics provided by reputable health
organizations
report what Castro's regime report to them.
But then international experts and Cubans doctors that have left Cuba paint
a very different picture, no?
Those that have had access to the data and facts confirm that reporting in
Cuba is "politically influenced".

"People emigrating from Cuba or visiting Cuba, including international
health
representatives, have reported that it is in line with Cuban Government
policy to report mild cases of dengue as "influenza". Cuban physicians
have confirmed allegations that some disease reporting in Cuba is
politically
influenced (e.g., if dengue were declared wiped out, then physicians could
report the disease only as influenza-like symptoms). "


"WHO and the PanAmerican Health
Organization (WHO's Regional Office for the Western Hemisphere) cannot
report
to the world without clearance from the Cuban government."


See: www.promedmail.org Archive Number 19970627.1390


Michael Thiede is Senior Research Officer in the Health Economics Unit
of the Department of Public Health and Primary Health Care at the
University of Cape Town, South Africa. He writes: " Last year I spent
three months in Cuba. I am still motivated to put together some papers
on Cuban health care. Unfortunately, however, during my stay I was
only able to get hold of the official statistical data and find them
not especially trustworthy.


http://www.stanford.edu/group/wais/cuba_healthcarestatistics62202.html


(link broken)


Some reality:


Sociedad
Un falso primer lugar


Sin la existencia de fuentes independientes, ¿cómo los organismos
internacionales pueden certificar los 'logros' cubanos en salud y nutrición?


http://cubadata.blogspot.com/2006/06/un-falso-primer-lugar.html



again: lots of lies and innuendo and NO DATA from Stalinist Barry Schier


PL
Post by Barry Schier
Post by T.Schmidt
Tanta bulla hablando mal del Ché Guevara
Yo no "hablo mal" del Che.
Doy enlaces a informacion sobre el Che.
Mira: http://ernesto-el-che-guevara.piranho.de/index.html
Video: http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm
Post by T.Schmidt
y ahora va a terminar de héroe y
quizá hasta de santo.
De ninguna manera.
No te preocupes.
PL
Barry Schier
2006-06-16 15:21:21 UTC
Permalink
Post by PL
Post by Barry Schier
Instead of slandering Che here, PL just "gives information" by
providing hyperlinks to those who raison d'etre seems to be a
combination of libel of Che ...
You mean posting links to data about Che.
"Data" implies information with a factual basis. Links to lies and
Web sites that out-do even the U.S. state Deaprtment in anti-Communism,
attacking the Cuban Revolution, etc/ are NOT "links to data ...",
Post by PL
So you deny that he killed people, ...
My often-cited statistics about revolutionary Cuba's dramatic
decrease in illiteracy rates (from pre-Revolutionary levels of 22%-44%
to current levels of about 2%-4%) contrasting with a small, but
significant, rise in illiteracy in many industrial countries due to
cutback in funding for education may apply here.
Che Guevara was organizer and comandante of guerrilla forces.
Guerrillas carry guns One of the "jobs" of guerrillas is to kill
people, i.e., soldiers of the armies of the repressive ruling regime.
-- although capturing them and then convincing them about the just
cause that the guerrillas are fighting for (thus gaining weapons and
possibly defectors) is always preferable.
(To be cointued)
Post by PL
failed everywhere outside Cuba and that
he was betrayed by Castro.
Get a life Barry. Che is now a textbook example of cultural insensitivity
and failed revolutionary zeal.
Post by Barry Schier
Indeed, PL (who translates into multiple languages, all dialects of the
language of opponents of the Cuban Revolution
I don't oppose the true aims of the Cuban revolution, just the Castro coup
(with the help of Batista's old allies the communists).
From a man labeled by our group Stalinists as "Trotskyite"
" Yet you only have to look at the July 26th movement before 1959 to see
that
is wrong. Their programme was for the restoration of the 1940 Constitution,
in other words for a bourgeois-democratic republic. They said in their
manifesto that nationalisation was a "cumbersome instrument" and that Cuba
would be "a loyal ally" of their Northern neighbour. Castro himself said in
an interview in 1970 that, "In 1959 there was no class consciousness, only
class instinct, which is not the same thing", and referred to the revolution
in the early months of 1959 as neither capitalist nor socialist but "olive
green". The Castroites labelled the Communist Party "totalitarian".
http://archive.workersliberty.org/wlmags/wl54/cuba.htm
Post by Barry Schier
spoken with a U.S. State Department accent)
doing some "slandering" yourself here I see.
get a life Barry.
People that are reduced to this kind of childish innuendo just show they
have no arguments nor facts to post.
You support
- repression
http://www.cubaverdad.net/systematic_repression_of_dissent.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/cuba_repressive_machinery.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/repression.php
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/represion.php
- violations of the freedom of speech of Cubans
http://www.cubaverdad.net/freedom_of_speech.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/freedom_of_speech.php
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/internet.php
-violations of the freedom of movement of Cubans
http://www.cubaverdad.net/freedom_of_movement.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/freedom_of_movement.php
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/balsero.php
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/migration.php
- violations of other human rights in Cuba
http://www.cubaverdad.net/universal_declaration_of_human_rights.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/links_to_human_rights_reports.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/human_rights.php
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/derechos_humanos.php
- torture by the Cuban regime
http://www.cubaverdad.net/torture_in_cuba.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/a_cuban_punishment_cell.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/torture.php
- a totalitarian system
http://www.cubaverdad.net/totalitarian_system.htm
- repressive laws that violate human rights
http://www.cubaverdad.net/repressive_laws.htm
- imprisonment of peaceful opponents of the regime of Fidel Castro
http://www.cubaverdad.net/dissidents.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/75_imprisoned_in_march_2003.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/black_spring.php
- the destruction of thousands of life in acts of democide and politicide
http://www.cubaverdad.net/genocide.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/13_de_marzo.htm
Post by Barry Schier
a Web site whose raison d'etre is to prove that Cuba
violates human rights as shown here
http://www.cubaverdad.net/
with links to 100 reports from human rights organizations.
http://www.cubaverdad.net/links_to_human_rights_reports.htm
Post by Barry Schier
has changed into a hell compared to its days as a comparative paradise
Well Barry, much to your despair I am just quoting Castro and other top
Cuban leaders.
Cuba, the "Pearl of the Antilles," though by no means a paradise, was not,
as many believe, an economically backward country. Castro himself admitted
that while there was poverty, there was no economic crisis and no hunger in
Cuba before the Revolution. (See Maurice Halperin: The Rise and Fall of
Fidel Castro, University of California, 1972, pgs. 24, 25, 37)
Armando Hart, a member of Castro's innermost ruling group, made the
. . . it is certain that capitalism had attained high levels of
organization, efficiency and production that declined after the Revolution.
. . (Juventud Rebelde, November 2, 1969; quoted by Rene Dumont, Is Cuba
Socialist?, p. 85)
Paul A. Baran, an ardent pro-Castroite in the equally ardent Monthly Review
pamphlet, Reflections on the Cuban Revolution (1961) substantiates what
...the Cuban Revolution was born with a silver spoon in its mouth. . .the
world renowned French agronomist, Rene Dumont, has estimated that if
properly cultivated as intensively as South China, Cuba could feed fifty
million people. . . the Cuban Revolution is spared the painful, but
ineluctable compulsion that has beset preceding socialist revolutions: the
necessity to force tightening of people's belts in order to lay the
foundations for a better tomorrow. . .(p. 23)
Theodore Draper quotes Anial Escalante, (before he was purged by Castro) one
...in reality, Cuba was not one of the countries with the lowest standard
of living of the masses in America, but on the contrary, one of the highest
standards of living, and it was here where the first great . . . democratic
social revolution of the continent burst forth. . . If the historical
development had been dictated by the false axiom [revolutions come first in
poorest countries] the revolution should have been first produced in Haiti,
Colombia or even Chile, countries of greater poverty for the masses than the
Cuba of 1958. . . (quoted in Draper's Castro's Revolution: Myths and
Realities; New York, 1962, p. 22)
http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/anarchist_archives/bright/dolgoff/cubanrevolution/chapter7.html
Post by Barry Schier
Batista was never a dictator.
Another lie from comrade Barry.
I have alwas stated that Batista was a dictator and that I supported the
ant-Batista revolution and it's aim to restore the 1940 constitution.
http://www.cubaverdad.net/revolution.htm
Where were the communists during the Cuban revolution? If we believe Fidel
In the course of the guerrilla struggle in the Sierra Maestra mountains, he
(Castro) delivered another speech which, once again, stresses his distance
"What right does Senor Batista have to speak of Communism? After all, in the
elections of 1940 he was the candidate of the Communist Party ... his
portrait hung next to Blas Roca's and Lazaro Pena's; and half a dozen
ministers and confidants of his are leading members of the CP."
H.M. Enzenburger, Raids and Reconstructions, London, 1976, p.200.
See: http://www.marxisme.dk/arkiv/binns/80-cucas.htm
In November 1940, the communists supported Batista's candidates in the
elections to the Constituent Assembly. In return for their support, Batista
allowed the communists to organize and control the government sponsored
union, Cuban Confederation of Labor (CTC Confederacion de Trabajadores de
Cuba) The first Secretary General of the CTC was Lazaro Pena--who,
ironically, enough, held the same post in the Castro regime. In exchange for
these favors the communists guaranteed Batista labor peace.
(also see the video: Cuba Memoria Sindical) In line with the Communist
Party's "Popular Front Against Fascism" policy, the alliance of the
Communist Party with the Batista was officially consumated when the Party
joined the Batista government. The Communist Party leaders Carlos Rafael
Rodriguez and Juan Marinello (who now hold high posts in the Castro
government) became Ministers Without Portfolio in Batista's Cabinet. To
illustrate the intimate connections between the communists and Batista, we
quote from a letter of Batista to Blas Roca, Secretary of the Communist
June 13,1944
Dear Blas,
With respect to your letter which our mutual friend, Dr. Carlos Rafael
Rodriguez, Minister Without Portfolio, passed to me, I am happy to again
express my firm unshakeable confidence in the loyal cooperation the People's
Socialist Party [the then official name of the Communist Party of Cuba] its
leaders and members have given and continue to give myself and my
government. . .
Believe me, as always, Your very affectionate and cordial friend,
Fulgencio Batista
In the electoral campaign the Communist candidates won ten seats in the
Cuban parliament and more than a hundred posts in the Municipal councils.
In line with their pro-Batista policy the communists joined Batista in
condemning Fidel Castro's attack on the Moncada Barracks (July 1953 -- the
anniversary of the attack is a national holiday in Castro Cuba)
. . . the life of the People's Socialist Party (communist). . . has been to
combat . . . and unmask the putschists and adventurous activities of the
bourgeois opposition as being against the interests of the people. . .
(reported in Daily Worker, U.S organ of the Communist Party, August 10,
1953)
overtly they criticized Batista and covertly they cooperated with him.
http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bright/dolgoff/cubanrevolution/chapter6.html
Also: see the video: Cuba Memoria Sindical
http://www.cubaverdad.net/cuba_trade_union_history.htm
The Cuban Revolution
A Critical Perspective
by Sam Dolgoff
The Character of the Cuban Revolution
A Non-Social Revolution
The myth, induced by the revolutionary euphoria of the pro-Castro left, that
a genuine social-revolution took place in Cuba, is based on a number of
major fallacies. Among them is the idea that a social revolution can take
place in a small semi-developed island, a country with a population of about
eight million, totally dependent for the uninterrupted flow of vital
supplies upon either of the great super-powers, Russia or the U.S. They
assume falsely that these voracious powers will not take advantage of Cuba's
situation to promote their own selfish interests. There can be no more
convincing evidence of this tragic impossibility than Castro's sycophantic
attitude toward his benefactor, the Soviet Union, going so far as to applaud
Russia's invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, a crime certainly on a par with
the military coup in Chile, which Castro rightfully condemned. To assume,
furthermore, that the Cuban social revolution can be miraculously achieved
without simultaneous uprisings in Latin America and elsewhere, is both naive
and irresponsible.
Nationalization Versus Socialism
To equate nationalization of the economy and social services instituted from
above by the decree "revolutionary government" or a caudillo, with true
socialism is a dangerous illusion. Nationalization and similar measures,
under the name of "welfareism," are common. They are widespread, and in many
cases deep-going programs, instituted by democratic "welfare" states or
"benevolent" dictators as an antidote to revolution, and are by no means
equtvalent to socialism.
Russia and Cuba: Two Revolutions Compared
Another fallacy about the nature of the Cuban Revolution can perhaps be best
illustrated by contrasting the early stages of the Russian Revolution of
1917 with the Cuban events. Analogies between the Russian and Cuban
Revolutions--like analogies in general--fail to take into account certain
Czarism was OVERTHROWN by the spontaneous revolts of the peasant and
proletarian masses only after a prolonged and bloody civil war.
In Cuba, the Batista regime COLLAPSED WITHOUT A STRUGGLE for lack of popular
support. There were no peasant revolts. No general strikes. Theodor Draper
(and many other observers) argues persuasively that since there were at
least "500,000 agricultural workers in Cuba" there could not have been many
peasants in a
. . . guerrilla force that never amounted to more than a thousand. . . there
was nothing comparable in Cuba to the classic peasant revolution led by
Zapata in Mexico in 1910. . . there was no national peasant uprising.
Outside the immediate vicinity of the guerrilla forces, revolutionary
activity, in the country as a whole, was largely a middle class phenomenon,
with some working class support, but without working class
organizations...(Castroism: Theory and Practice; New York, 1965, p. 74-75)
[This takes on added significance when we consider that the unions comprised
ONE MILLION out of a total population of about six million when the
Revolution began, Jan. 1, 1959.]
In Russia, the masses made the social revolution BEFORE the establishment of
the Bolshevik government. Lenin climbed to power by voicing the demands of,
"All Power to the Soviets," "The Land to the Peasants," "The Factories to
the Workers," etc. In Cuba, Castro, for fear of losing popular support,
carefully avoided a social-revolutionary platform--assuming that he had one.
Unlike Lenin, he came to power because he promised to put into effect the
bourgeois-democratic program.
History is full of unexpected twists and turns. Ironically enough, these two
different revolutions had similar results: Both Lenin and Castro betrayed
their respective revolutions, instituted totalitarian regimes and ruled by
decree from above.
The well-known anarcho-syndicalist writer and activist, Augustin Souchy,
makes a cogent comparison between the Spanish Revolution (1936-1939) and the
. . . while in Spain, the confiscation of the land and the organization of
the collectives was initiated and carried through, by the peasants
themselves; in Cuba, social-economic transformation was initiated, not by
the people, but by Castro and his comrades-in-arms. It is this distinction
that accounts for the different development of the two revolutions; Spain,
mass revolution from the bottom up; Cuba, revolution from the top down by
decree . . . (see Cuba. An Eyewitness Report, below)
Which brings to mind the celebrated phrase of the "Apostle" of Cuban
independence Jose Marti: "To Change the Master Is Not To Be Free."
Revolution the Latin American Way
The Cuban Revolution draws its specific character from a variety of sources.
While not a Latin American "palace revolution" which produced no deep seated
social changes, it nevertheless relates to the tradition of miltarism and
bogus paternalism of Latin American "Caudillismo," the "Man on Horseback."
"Caudillismo"--"right" or "left," "revolutionary" or "reactionary"--is a
chronic affliction in Latin America since the wars for independence
initiated by Simon Bolivar in 1810. The "revolutionary caudillo" Juan Peron
of Argentina, catapulted to power by "leftist" army officers, was deposed by
"rightist" military officers. Maurice Halperin calls attention to the ". . .
expropriation of vast properties in Peru in 1968 and in Bolivia in 1969 by
the very generals who had destroyed Cuban supported guerrilla uprisings in
their respective countries. . . " (The Rise and Fall of Fidel Castro;
University of California, 1972, p. 118)
The militarization of Cuban society by a revolutionary dictatorship headed
by the "Caudillo" of the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro follows, in general,
the Latin American pattern. Like other revolutionary Latin American
"Caudillos, " Castro would come to power only on the basis of programs
designed to win the indispensable support of the masses. Edwin Lieuwen
. . . In Chile in 1924, Major Carlos Ibanez established a military
dictatorship [that] was notably successful in combining authoritarian rule
with policies aimed at meeting popular demands for greater social justice.
Successful but short lived revolutions took place during 1936 under the
leadership of radical young officers inspired by ideas of social reform and
authoritarian nationalism. . In Bolivia a clique of radical young officers
came to power. Major David Toro and Colonel German Busch successfully headed
regimes that had social revolution as their goals. . . they catered to
the downtrodden and pledged to build a new nation. Toro and Busch based
their dictatorial regimes on attempts to win mass support ... (Arms and
Politics in Latin America; New York, 1961, pgs. 60, 62, 78, 79)
When in 1968, a "revolutionary" military Junta seized power in Peru, the new
military government proclaimed the fundamental principle underlying all
. . . the final aim of the State, being the welfare of the nation; and the
armed forces being the instrument which the State uses to impose its
policies, therefore, . . . in order to arrive at collective prosperity, the
armed forces have the mission to watch over the social welfare, the final
aim of the State... (quoted, Modes of Political Change in Latin America, ed.
Paul Sigmund, New York, 1970, p. 201)
Dr. Carlos Delgado, Director of the Information Bureau of the Revolutionary
Government of Peru, after stressing that the revolution was " . . .
initiated from above" by decree, boasted that the dictatorship in "...the
last four and a half years" accomplished more for the betterment of the
people than in the "whole epoch of Republican rule." The revolution was
hailed, boasted Delgado, even by the French Marxist thinker, Henri Lefebvre,
as one of the most important historical events of the contemporary world..."
(see Reconstruir, anarchist bi-monthly, Buenos Aires, Nov.-Dec. 1974)
There is an umbilical connection between militarism and the State, fully
compatible with, and indispensable to, all varieties of State
"socialism"--or more accurately State Capitalism. George Pendle (and other
observers) with respect to Peron's social and welfare programs initiated to
...Peron's National Institute of Social Security...converted Argentina to
one of the most advanced countries in South America. . . it was not
surprising that the majority of workers preferred Peron to their traditional
leaders...they felt that Peron accomplished more for them in a few years
than the Socialist Party achieved in decades...(Argentina; Oxford University
Press, London, 1965, pas. 97, 99)
. . . In Havana Premier Fidel Castro proclaimed three days of mourning and
Cuban officials termed Peron's death a blow to all Latin America. . .(New
York Times, July 2, 1974) This cynical proclamation was not made solely for
tactical reasons, but in recognition of the affinity between the Castro and
Peron regimes. As early as 1961, there were already informal contacts
between Che Guevara and Angel Borlenghi "... a number two man in Peron's
government and his Minister of the Interior for eight years ... Che told
Borlenghi that there's no question about it that Peron was the most advanced
embodiment of political and economic reform in Argentina ... and under Che's
guidance a rapport was established between the Cuban Revolution and the
Peronist movement ... Che has in his possession a letter from Peron
expressing admiration for Castro and the Cuban Revolution and Che had raised
the question of inviting Peron to settle in Havana . . . " (quoted by
Halperin, from Ricardo Rojo's work, My Friend Che; ibid. p. 329-330)
Herbert Matthews supplements Rojo's revelations:...the Argentine journalist
Jorge Massetti who went into the Sierra Maestra in 1958, became friends with
Guevara. He was trained for guerrilla warfare in the Sierra Maestra and in
1964 was killed in a guerrilla raid in Argentina . . . Massetti was credited
with convincing Guevara that Peronism approximated his own ideas. Hilda
Gadea--Guevara's first wife--wrote that for Ernesto Guevara, the fall of
Peron Sept. 1955 was a heavy blow. Che and Massetti blamed it,...'on North
American Imperialists'...(ibid. p. 258)
[Carmelo Mesa-Lago notes the connection between State Socialism and
militarism. Castro enthusiastically hailed] " . . . the Peruvian Social
Revolution as a progressive military group playing a revolutionary role. .
." (Cuba in the 1970s: University of New Mexico Press, 1975, p. 11]) In an
interview, Castro emphatically maintained that social revolution is
compatible with military dictatorship, not only in Peru, but also in
Portugal and Panama.
[When the military junta in Peru] took power...the first thing they did was
to implement agrarian reform which was MUCH MORE RADICAL than the agrarian
reform we initiated in Cuba. It put a much lower limit on the size of
properties; organized cooperatives, agricultural communities; . . . they
also pushed in other fields--in the field of education, social development,
industrialization. . . We must also see the example of Portugal where the
military played a decisive role in political change. . .and are on their way
to finding solutions. . . we have Peru and Panama--where the military are
acting as catalysts in favor of the revolution. . . (Castro quoted by Frank
and Kirby Jones, With Fidel; New York, 1975, p. 195-196)
[The evidence sustains Donald Druze's conclusion that] . . . the programs of
modern 'caudillos' embodies so many features of centralism and National
An interpretive History; New York, 1972, p. 570)
Militarism flourishes in Cuba as in Latin America. Castro projected
militarism to a degree unequalled by his predecessor, Batista: total
domination of social, economic and political life. In the Spring of 1959, a
few months after the Revolution of January 1st, Castro, who appointed
himself the "Lider Maximo" ("Caudillo") of the Revolution and
Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, promised to cut the size of the army
in half and ultimately to disband and replace it by civilian militias and
police. "The last thing I am," said Castro, "is a military man . . . ours is
a country without generals and colonels. . . "
Within a year after the disintegration of the Batista Army, Castro turned
Cuba into a thoroughly militarized state, with the most formidable armed
force of any in Latin America. For the first time in Cuban history,
compulsory military service was instituted. Now, Cuba has adopted the
traditional hierarchical ranking system of conventional armies. The Cuban
army differs in no essential respect from the armies of both "capitalist"
and "socialist" imperialist powers.
"Communism" a la Castro
Insofar as relations with the communists are concerned, Theodore Draper
. . . Batista paid off the communists for their support, by among other
things, permitting them to set up an official trade union federation, the
Confederacion de Trabajadores de Cuba (CTC) with Lazaro Pena as its
Secretary-General. In 1961, Castro paid off the communists for their
support, by, among other things, permitting Lazaro Pena to come back
officially as Secretary General of the CTC...(ibid. p. 204)
If we accept at face value Castro's conversion to "communism," his
"communism" embodies the Latin American version of Stalinism, absolute
personal dictatorship. But "Caudillos" are not primarily ideologues. They
are, above all, political adventurers. In their lust for power, they are not
guided by ethical considerations, as they claim. In this respect, there is
no essential difference between capitalist states and "revolutionary
socialist states." All dictators conceal their true visage behind the facade
of a political party, paying lip service to goals supposedly popular with
the masses. Castro became a "communist" because he considered that his
survival in power depended on cementing cordial relations with his saviors,
the "socialist" countries (former enemies) and by extension with Batista's
former allies, the domestic "communists." To promote his ends, Castro
established relations with Franco Spain and the Vatican. Nor did he hesitate
to side with the Arab oil magnates--lords over their impoverished
subjects--in the mid-east disputes, or to endorse the Russian invasion of
Czecho-Slovakia.
The Real Revolution Is Yet To Come
. . . the major event of the twentieth century has been the abandonment of
the values of liberty on the part of the revolutionary movement, the
weakening of Libertarian Socialism, vis-a-vis Caesarist and militaristic
socialism. Since then, a great hope has disappeared from the world, to be
replaced by a deep sense of emptiness in the hearts of all who yearn for
freedom... (Neither victims Nor Executioners)
Whether Castro is working out his own unique brand of "Cuban Socialism" is a
relatively minor question. Even if Castro had no connection with the
communist movement, his mania for personal power would lead inevitably to
the establishment of an "independent" totalitarian regime. What is decisive
is that the Cuban Revolution follows the pattern established in this century
by the aborted Russian Revolution of 1917. This pattern is the
counter-revolution of the State.
http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bright/dolgoff/cubanrevolution/chapter3.html
Post by Barry Schier
PL indeed has a right to object to being called a parrot
but you in no way can object to being a parrot of the Stalinist pro Castro
line, no?
Post by Barry Schier
All nearly universally acceptied statstics provided by reputable health
organizations
report what Castro's regime report to them.
But then international experts and Cubans doctors that have left Cuba paint
a very different picture, no?
Those that have had access to the data and facts confirm that reporting in
Cuba is "politically influenced".
"People emigrating from Cuba or visiting Cuba, including international
health
representatives, have reported that it is in line with Cuban Government
policy to report mild cases of dengue as "influenza". Cuban physicians
have confirmed allegations that some disease reporting in Cuba is
politically
influenced (e.g., if dengue were declared wiped out, then physicians could
report the disease only as influenza-like symptoms). "
"WHO and the PanAmerican Health
Organization (WHO's Regional Office for the Western Hemisphere) cannot
report
to the world without clearance from the Cuban government."
See: www.promedmail.org Archive Number 19970627.1390
Michael Thiede is Senior Research Officer in the Health Economics Unit
of the Department of Public Health and Primary Health Care at the
University of Cape Town, South Africa. He writes: " Last year I spent
three months in Cuba. I am still motivated to put together some papers
on Cuban health care. Unfortunately, however, during my stay I was
only able to get hold of the official statistical data and find them
not especially trustworthy.
http://www.stanford.edu/group/wais/cuba_healthcarestatistics62202.html
(link broken)
Sociedad
Un falso primer lugar
Sin la existencia de fuentes independientes, ¿cómo los organismos
internacionales pueden certificar los 'logros' cubanos en salud y nutrición?
http://cubadata.blogspot.com/2006/06/un-falso-primer-lugar.html
again: lots of lies and innuendo and NO DATA from Stalinist Barry Schier
PL
Post by Barry Schier
Post by T.Schmidt
Tanta bulla hablando mal del Ché Guevara
Yo no "hablo mal" del Che.
Doy enlaces a informacion sobre el Che.
Mira: http://ernesto-el-che-guevara.piranho.de/index.html
Video: http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm
Post by T.Schmidt
y ahora va a terminar de héroe y
quizá hasta de santo.
De ninguna manera.
No te preocupes.
PL
PL
2006-06-16 15:35:10 UTC
Permalink
Post by Barry Schier
Post by PL
You mean posting links to data about Che.
"Data" implies information with a factual basis.
Do you deny that Che killed hundreds of people lots in execution?
But look at the video and read the articles.
Tell us what facts are not correct according to you:
Text: http://ernesto-el-che-guevara.piranho.de/index.html
Video: http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm

You should visit www.cubaverdad.net more and read up Barry.
You are so stuck in your Stalinist sources you don't know fact from
propaganda fiction any more.
Post by Barry Schier
attacking the Cuban Revolution,
Nope atacking the castro regime and it's lies.
The revolution was NOT communist.
Even Che said so. (below a quote form the International Socialist Review)
In the first year of the revolution, Guevara explicitly denied its class
character:

"The Cuban revolution is not a class revolution, but a liberation movement
that has overthrown a dictatorial, tyrannical government."12

12 Che Guevara Speaks: Selected Speeches and Writings, G. Lavan ed. (New
York: Pathfinder, 1967), p. 13.

See: http://www.isreview.org/issues/11/cuba_crisis.shtml


On Batista and the communists (from an anarchist website):
Where were the communists during the Cuban revolution? If we believe Fidel
Castro not on the side of the revolution:

In the course of the guerrilla struggle in the Sierra Maestra mountains, he
(Castro) delivered another speech which, once again, stresses his distance
from the Communists:

"What right does Senor Batista have to speak of Communism? After all, in the
elections of 1940 he was the candidate of the Communist Party ... his
portrait hung next to Blas Roca's and Lazaro Pena's; and half a dozen
ministers and confidants of his are leading members of the CP."
H.M. Enzenburger, Raids and Reconstructions, London, 1976, p.200.

See: http://www.marxisme.dk/arkiv/binns/80-cucas.htm

A version of the facts confirmed in this (Marxist) source:


In November 1940, the communists supported Batista's candidates in the
elections to the Constituent Assembly. In return for their support, Batista
allowed the communists to organize and control the government sponsored
union, Cuban Confederation of Labor (CTC Confederacion de Trabajadores de
Cuba) The first Secretary General of the CTC was Lazaro Pena--who,
ironically, enough, held the same post in the Castro regime. In exchange for
these favors the communists guaranteed Batista labor peace.

(also see the video: Cuba Memoria Sindical) In line with the Communist
Party's "Popular Front Against Fascism" policy, the alliance of the
Communist Party with the Batista was officially consumated when the Party
joined the Batista government. The Communist Party leaders Carlos Rafael
Rodriguez and Juan Marinello (who now hold high posts in the Castro
government) became Ministers Without Portfolio in Batista's Cabinet. To
illustrate the intimate connections between the communists and Batista, we
quote from a letter of Batista to Blas Roca, Secretary of the Communist
Party:

June 13,1944
Dear Blas,
With respect to your letter which our mutual friend, Dr. Carlos Rafael
Rodriguez, Minister Without Portfolio, passed to me, I am happy to again
express my firm unshakeable confidence in the loyal cooperation the People's
Socialist Party [the then official name of the Communist Party of Cuba] its
leaders and members have given and continue to give myself and my
government. . .

Believe me, as always, Your very affectionate and cordial friend,
Fulgencio Batista


In the electoral campaign the Communist candidates won ten seats in the
Cuban parliament and more than a hundred posts in the Municipal councils.

In line with their pro-Batista policy the communists joined Batista in
condemning Fidel Castro's attack on the Moncada Barracks (July 1953 -- the
anniversary of the attack is a national holiday in Castro Cuba)
. . . the life of the People's Socialist Party (communist). . . has been to
combat . . . and unmask the putschists and adventurous activities of the
bourgeois opposition as being against the interests of the people. . .
(reported in Daily Worker, U.S organ of the Communist Party, August 10,
1953)
Throughout the Batista period the communists pursued two parallel policies:
overtly they criticized Batista and covertly they cooperated with him.

http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bright/dolgoff/cubanrevolution/chapter6.html

Also: see the video: Cuba Memoria Sindical
http://www.cubaverdad.net/cuba_trade_union_history.htm
Post by Barry Schier
Post by PL
So you deny that he killed people, ...
Che Guevara was organizer and comandante of guerrilla forces.
Guerrillas carry guns One of the "jobs" of guerrillas is to kill
people, i
Not talking about people killed in battle comrade Barry.
executions.

216 DOCUMENTED VICTIMS OF CHÉ GUEVARA IN CUBA: 1957 TO 1959

CUBA ARCHIVE
From Armando M. Lago, Ph.D.Žs
Cuba: The Human Cost of
Social Revolution
Manuscript Pending Publication

The exact number of Che's victims in Cuba is unknown. Guevara is said to
have acknowledged ordering many executions -all carried out without
affording the victims due process of law. Combat deaths caused by Che
in Cuba or other countries where he led guerrilla operations have yet to
be tallied.

The following list is not exhaustive and includes only cases for which
historic reference is known -those he personally executed as well as
those killed under his orders. Names are cited as reported. Additional
details, including bibliographic information, are available for most cases.

Executed by Che in the Sierra Maestra during the anti-Batista guerrilla
struggle (1957-1958)
1. ARISTIDIO - 10-57
2. MANUEL CAPITÁN - 1957
3. JUAN CHANG - 9-57
4. "BISCO" ECHEVARRÍA MARTÍNEZ - 8-57
5. EUTIMIO GUERRA - 2-18-57
6. DIONISIO LEBRIGIO - 9-57
7. JUAN LEBRIGIO - 9-57
8. "EL NEGRO" NÁPOLES - 2-18-57
9. "CHICHO" OSORIO - 1-17-57
10. UNIDENTIFIED TEACHER ("EL MAESTRO") - 9-57
11-12. 2 BROTHERS, SPIES FROM THE MASFERRER GROUP - 9-57
13-14. 2 UNIDENTIFIED PEASANTS - 4-57

Executed or sent for execution by Che during his brief command in Santa
Clara (Jan. 1-3, 1959)
1. RAMÓN ALBA - 1-3-59**
2. JOSÉ BARROSO- 1-59
3. JOAQUÍN CASILLAS LUMPUY - 1-2-59**
4. FÉLIX CRUZ - 1-1-59
5. ALEJANDRO GARCÍA ALAYÓN - 1-31-59**
6. HÉCTOR MIRABAL - 1-59
7. J. MIRABAL- 1-59
8. FÉLIX MONTANO - 1-59
9. CORNELIO ROJAS - 1-7-59**
10. VILALLA - 1-59
11. DOMINGO ÁLVAREZ MARTÍNEZ - 1-4-59**
12. CANO DEL PRIETO - 1-7-59**
13. JOSE FERNÁNDEZ MARTÍNEZ-1-2-59
14. JOSÉ GRIZEL SEGURA - 1-7-59** ( Manacas)
15. ARTURO PÉREZ PÉREZ - 1-24-59**
16. RICARDO RODRÍGUEZ PÉREZ - 1-11-59**
17. FRANCISCO ROSELL - 1-11-59
18. IGNACIO ROSELL LEYVA - 1-11-59
19. ANTONIO RUÍZ BELTRÁN -1-11-59
20. RAMÓN SANTOS GARCÍA - 1-12-59
21. PEDRO SOCARRÁS - 1-12-59**
22. MANUEL VALDÉS - 1-59
23. TACE JOSÉ VELÁZQUEZ - 12-59**
**Che signed the death penalty before leaving Santa Clara.

Executions documented for La Cabaña Fortress prison during Che's command
(January 3 to November 26, 1959)
1. VILAU ABREU - 7-3-59
2. HUMBERTO AGUIAR - 1959
3. GERMÁN AGUIRRE - 1959
4. PELAYO ALAYÓN - 2-59
5. JOSÉ LUIS ALFARO SIERRA - 7-1-59
6. PEDRO ALFARO - 7-25-59
7. MARIANO ALONSO - 7-1-59
8. JOSÉ ALVARO - 3-1-59
9. ALVARO ANGUIERA SUÁREZ - 1-4-59
10. ANIELLA - 1959
11. MARIO ARES POLO - 1-2-59
12. JOSÉ RAMÓN BACALLAO - 12-23-59**
13. SEVERINO BARRIOS - 12-9-59**
14. EUGENIO BÉCQUER - 9-29-59
15. FRANCISCO BÉCQUER - 7-2-59
16. RAMÓN BISCET - 7-5-59
17. ROBERTO CALZADILLA - 1959
18. EUFEMIO CANO - 4-59
19. JUAN CAPOTE FIALLO - 5-1-59
20. ANTONIO CARRALERO - 2-4-59
21. GERTRUDIS CASTELLANOS - 5-7-59
22. JOSÉ CASTAÑO QUEVEDO - 3-6-59
23. RAÚL CASTAÑO - 5-30-59
24. EUFEMIO CHALA - 12-16-59**
25. JOSÉ CHAMACE - 10-15-59
26. JOSÉ CHAMIZO - 3-59
27. RAÚL CLAUSELL - 1-28-59
28. ÁNGEL CLAUSELL - 1-18-59
29. DEMETRIO CLAUSELL - 1-2-59
30. JOSÉ CLAUSELL - 1-29-59
31. ELOY CONTRERAS 1-18-59
32. ALBERTO CORBO - 12-7-59**
33. EMILIO CRUZ PEREZ - 12-7-59**
34. ORESTES CRUZ - 1959
35. ADALBERTO CUEVAS - 7-2-59**
36. CUNI - 1959
37. ANTONIO DE BECHE - 1-5-59
38. MATEO DELGADO - 12-4-59
39. ARMANDO DELGADO - 1-29-59
40. RAMÓN DESPAIGNE - 1959
41. JOSÉ DÍAZ CABEZAS - 7-30-59
42. FIDEL DÍAZ MARQUINA - 4-9-59
43. ANTONIO DUARTE - 7-2-59
44. RAMÓN FERNÁNDEZ OJEDA - 5-29-59
45. RUDY FERNÁNDEZ - 7-30-59
46. FERRÁN ALFONSO - 1-12-59
47. SALVADOR FERRERO - 6-29-59
48. VICTOR FIGUEREDO - 1-59
49. EDUARDO FORTE - 3-20-59
50. UGARDE GALÁN - 1959
51. RAFAEL GARCÍA MUÑIZ - 1-20-59
52. ADALBERTO GARCÍA - 6-6-59
53. ALBERTO GARCÍA - 6-6-59
54. JACINTO GARCÍA - 9-8-59
55. EVELIO GASPAR - 12-4-59**
56. ARMADA GIL Y DIEZ CABEZAS - 12-4-59**
57. JOSÉ GONZÁLEZ MALAGÓN - 7-2-59
58. EVARISTO BENERIO GONZÁLEZ - 11-14-59
59. EZEQUIEL GONZÁLEZ - 1-59
60. SECUNDINO GONZÁLEZ - 1959
61. RICARDO LUIS GRAO - 2-3-59
62. RICARDO JOSÉ GRAU - -7-59
63. OSCAR GUERRA - 3-9-59
64. JULIÁN HERNÁNDEZ - 2-9-59
65. FRANCISCO HERNÁNDEZ LEYVA - 4-15-59
66. ANTONIO HERNÁNDEZ - 2-14-59
67. GERARDO HERNÁNDEZ - 7-26-59
68. OLEGARIO HERNÁNDEZ - 4-23-59
69. SECUNDINO HERNÁNDEZ - 1-59
70. RODOLFO HERNÁNDEZ FALCÓN - 1.9.59
71. RAÚL HERRERA - 2-18-59
72. JESÚS INSUA - 7-30-59
73. ENRIQUE IZQUIERDO- 7-3-59
74. SILVINO JUNCO - 11-15-59
75. ENRIQUE LA ROSA - 1959
76. BONIFACIO LASAPARLA - 1959
77. JESÚS LAZO OTAÑO - 1959
78. ARIEL LIMA LAGO - 8-1-59 ( Minor)
79. RENE LÓPEZ VIDAL - 7-3-59
80. ARMANDO MAS - 2-17-59
81. ONERLIO MATA - 1-30-59
82. EVELIO MATA RODRIGUEZ - 2-8-59
83. ELPIDIO MEDEROS - 1-9-59
84. JOSÉ MEDINA - 5-17-59
85. JOSÉ MESA - 7-23-59
86. FIDEL MESQUÍA DIAZ - 7-11-59
87. JUAN MANUEL MILIÁN - 1959
88. JOSÉ MILIAN PÉREZ - 4-3-59
89. FRANCISCO MIRABAL - 5-29-59
90. LUIS MIRABAL - 1959
91. ERNESTO MORALES - 1959
92. PEDRO MOREJÓN - 3-59
93. DR. CARLOS MUIÑO, M.D. - 1959
94. CÉSAR NECOLARDES ROJAS - 1-7-59
95. VICTOR NECOLARDES ROJAS - 1-7-59
96. JOSÉ NUÑEZ - 3-59
97. VITERBO O'REILLY - 2-27-59
98. FÉLIX OVIEDO - 7-21-59
99. MANUEL PANEQUE - 8-16-59
100. PEDRO PEDROSO - 12-1-59**
101. DIEGO PÉREZ CUESTA - 1959
102. JUAN PÉREZ HERNANDEZ-5-29-59
103. DIEGO PÉREZ CRELA - 04-03-59
104. JOSÉ POZO - 1959
105. EMILIO PUEBLA - 4-30-59
106. ALFREDO PUPO - 5-29-59
107. SECUNDINO RAMÍREZ - 4-2-59
108. RAMÓN RAMOS - 4-23-59
109. PABLO RAVELO JR. 9-15-59
110. RUBÉN REY ALBEROLA- 2-27-59
111. MARIO RISQUELME - 1-29-59
112. FERNANDO RIVERA - 10-8-59
113. PABLO RIVERO - 5-59
114. MANUEL RODRÍGUEZ - 3-1-59
115. MARCOS RODRÍGUEZ - 7-31-59
116. NEMESIO RODRÍGUEZ - 7-30-59
117. PABLO RODRÍGUEZ - 10-1-59
118. RICARDO RODRÍGUEZ - 5-29-59
119. OLEGARIO RODRÍGUEZ FERNÁNDEZ - 4.23.59
120. JOSÉ SALDARA - 11-9-59
121. PEDRO SANTANA - 2-59
122. SERGIO SIERRA - 1-9-59
123. JUAN SILVA - 8-59
124. FAUSTO SILVA - 1-29-59
125. ELPIDIO SOLER - 11-8-59
126. JESÚS SOSA BLANCO - 2-8-59
127. RENATO SOSA - 6-28-59
128. SERGIO SOSA - 8-20-59
129. PEDRO SOTO - 3-20-59
130. OSCAR SUÁREZ - 4-30-59
131. RAFAEL TARRAGO - 2-18-59
132. TEODORO TELLEZ CISNEROS - 1-3-59
133. FRANCISCO TELLEZ - 1-3-59
134. JOSÉ TIN - 1-12-59
135. FRANCISCO TRAVIESO - 1959
136. LEONARDO TRUJILLO - 2-27-59
137. TRUJILLO - 1959
138. LUPE VALDÉS BARBOSA - 3-22-59
139. MARCELINO VALDÉS - 7-21-59
140. ANTONIO VALENTÍN - 3-22-59
141. MANUEL VÁZQUEZ - 3-22-59
142. SERGIO VÁZQUEZ - 5-29-59
143. VERDECIA - 1959
144. DÁMASO ZAYAS - 7-23-59
145. JOSÉ ALVARADO - 4-22-59
146. LEONARDO BARÓ - 1-12-59
147. RAÚL CONCEPCIÓN LIMA - 1959
148. ElADIO CARO - 1-4-59
149. CARPINTOR - 1959
150. CARLOS CORVO MARTÍNEZ - 1959
151. JUAN GUILLERMO COSSÍO - 1959
152. CORPORAL ORTEGA - 7-11-59
153. JUAN MANUEL PRIETO - 1959
154. ANTONIO VALDÉS MENA - 5-11-59
155. ESTEBAN LASTRA - 1-59
156. JUAN FELIPE CRUZ SERAFIN - 6-59**
157. BONIFACIO GRASSO - 7-59
158. FELICIANO ALMENARES - 12-8-59
159. ANTONIO BLANCO NAVARRO - 12-10-59**
160. ALBERTO CAROLA - 6-5-59
161. EVARISTO GUERRA - 2-8-59
162. CRISTÓBAL MARTÍNEZ - 1-16-59
163. PEDRO RODRÍGUEZ - 1-10-59
164. FRANCISCO TRUJILLO - 2-18-59

**The death sentence was signed by Che, but the execution was carried
out after he left his command.

15 additional executions were reported by The New York Times, but names
are unknown.

Information provided by
CUBA ARCHIVE, an initiative of the
FREE SOCIETY PROJECT, INC.
www.CubaArchive.org

http://www.miscelaneasdecuba.net/web/article.asp?artID=5649

On the revolution and the communists:

The Cuban Revolution
A Critical Perspective
by Sam Dolgoff



The Character of the Cuban Revolution

A Non-Social Revolution

The myth, induced by the revolutionary euphoria of the pro-Castro left, that
a genuine social-revolution took place in Cuba, is based on a number of
major fallacies. Among them is the idea that a social revolution can take
place in a small semi-developed island, a country with a population of about
eight million, totally dependent for the uninterrupted flow of vital
supplies upon either of the great super-powers, Russia or the U.S. They
assume falsely that these voracious powers will not take advantage of Cuba's
situation to promote their own selfish interests. There can be no more
convincing evidence of this tragic impossibility than Castro's sycophantic
attitude toward his benefactor, the Soviet Union, going so far as to applaud
Russia's invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, a crime certainly on a par with
the military coup in Chile, which Castro rightfully condemned. To assume,
furthermore, that the Cuban social revolution can be miraculously achieved
without simultaneous uprisings in Latin America and elsewhere, is both naive
and irresponsible.

Nationalization Versus Socialism

To equate nationalization of the economy and social services instituted from
above by the decree "revolutionary government" or a caudillo, with true
socialism is a dangerous illusion. Nationalization and similar measures,
under the name of "welfareism," are common. They are widespread, and in many
cases deep-going programs, instituted by democratic "welfare" states or
"benevolent" dictators as an antidote to revolution, and are by no means
equtvalent to socialism.

Russia and Cuba: Two Revolutions Compared

Another fallacy about the nature of the Cuban Revolution can perhaps be best
illustrated by contrasting the early stages of the Russian Revolution of
1917 with the Cuban events. Analogies between the Russian and Cuban
Revolutions--like analogies in general--fail to take into account certain
important differences:

Czarism was OVERTHROWN by the spontaneous revolts of the peasant and
proletarian masses only after a prolonged and bloody civil war.

In Cuba, the Batista regime COLLAPSED WITHOUT A STRUGGLE for lack of popular
support. There were no peasant revolts. No general strikes. Theodor Draper
(and many other observers) argues persuasively that since there were at
least "500,000 agricultural workers in Cuba" there could not have been many
peasants in a

. . . guerrilla force that never amounted to more than a thousand. . . there
was nothing comparable in Cuba to the classic peasant revolution led by
Zapata in Mexico in 1910. . . there was no national peasant uprising.
Outside the immediate vicinity of the guerrilla forces, revolutionary
activity, in the country as a whole, was largely a middle class phenomenon,
with some working class support, but without working class
organizations...(Castroism: Theory and Practice; New York, 1965, p. 74-75)
[This takes on added significance when we consider that the unions comprised
ONE MILLION out of a total population of about six million when the
Revolution began, Jan. 1, 1959.]

In Russia, the masses made the social revolution BEFORE the establishment of
the Bolshevik government. Lenin climbed to power by voicing the demands of,
and legalizing the social revolutionary DEEDS of the workers and peasants:
"All Power to the Soviets," "The Land to the Peasants," "The Factories to
the Workers," etc. In Cuba, Castro, for fear of losing popular support,
carefully avoided a social-revolutionary platform--assuming that he had one.
Unlike Lenin, he came to power because he promised to put into effect the
bourgeois-democratic program.

History is full of unexpected twists and turns. Ironically enough, these two
different revolutions had similar results: Both Lenin and Castro betrayed
their respective revolutions, instituted totalitarian regimes and ruled by
decree from above.

The well-known anarcho-syndicalist writer and activist, Augustin Souchy,
makes a cogent comparison between the Spanish Revolution (1936-1939) and the
Cuban Revolution (both of which he personally witnessed):

. . . while in Spain, the confiscation of the land and the organization of
the collectives was initiated and carried through, by the peasants
themselves; in Cuba, social-economic transformation was initiated, not by
the people, but by Castro and his comrades-in-arms. It is this distinction
that accounts for the different development of the two revolutions; Spain,
mass revolution from the bottom up; Cuba, revolution from the top down by
decree . . . (see Cuba. An Eyewitness Report, below)

Which brings to mind the celebrated phrase of the "Apostle" of Cuban
independence Jose Marti: "To Change the Master Is Not To Be Free."

Revolution the Latin American Way

The Cuban Revolution draws its specific character from a variety of sources.
While not a Latin American "palace revolution" which produced no deep seated
social changes, it nevertheless relates to the tradition of miltarism and
bogus paternalism of Latin American "Caudillismo," the "Man on Horseback."
"Caudillismo"--"right" or "left," "revolutionary" or "reactionary"--is a
chronic affliction in Latin America since the wars for independence
initiated by Simon Bolivar in 1810. The "revolutionary caudillo" Juan Peron
of Argentina, catapulted to power by "leftist" army officers, was deposed by
"rightist" military officers. Maurice Halperin calls attention to the ". . .
expropriation of vast properties in Peru in 1968 and in Bolivia in 1969 by
the very generals who had destroyed Cuban supported guerrilla uprisings in
their respective countries. . . " (The Rise and Fall of Fidel Castro;
University of California, 1972, p. 118)

The militarization of Cuban society by a revolutionary dictatorship headed
by the "Caudillo" of the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro follows, in general,
the Latin American pattern. Like other revolutionary Latin American
"Caudillos, " Castro would come to power only on the basis of programs
designed to win the indispensable support of the masses. Edwin Lieuwen
marshalls impressive evidence:

. . . In Chile in 1924, Major Carlos Ibanez established a military
dictatorship [that] was notably successful in combining authoritarian rule
with policies aimed at meeting popular demands for greater social justice.
Successful but short lived revolutions took place during 1936 under the
leadership of radical young officers inspired by ideas of social reform and
authoritarian nationalism. . In Bolivia a clique of radical young officers
came to power. Major David Toro and Colonel German Busch successfully headed
regimes that had social revolution as their goals. . . they catered to

the downtrodden and pledged to build a new nation. Toro and Busch based
their dictatorial regimes on attempts to win mass support ... (Arms and
Politics in Latin America; New York, 1961, pgs. 60, 62, 78, 79)

When in 1968, a "revolutionary" military Junta seized power in Peru, the new
military government proclaimed the fundamental principle underlying all
"radical" military regimes":

. . . the final aim of the State, being the welfare of the nation; and the
armed forces being the instrument which the State uses to impose its
policies, therefore, . . . in order to arrive at collective prosperity, the
armed forces have the mission to watch over the social welfare, the final
aim of the State... (quoted, Modes of Political Change in Latin America, ed.
Paul Sigmund, New York, 1970, p. 201)

Dr. Carlos Delgado, Director of the Information Bureau of the Revolutionary
Government of Peru, after stressing that the revolution was " . . .
initiated from above" by decree, boasted that the dictatorship in "...the
last four and a half years" accomplished more for the betterment of the
people than in the "whole epoch of Republican rule." The revolution was
hailed, boasted Delgado, even by the French Marxist thinker, Henri Lefebvre,
as one of the most important historical events of the contemporary world..."
(see Reconstruir, anarchist bi-monthly, Buenos Aires, Nov.-Dec. 1974)

There is an umbilical connection between militarism and the State, fully
compatible with, and indispensable to, all varieties of State
"socialism"--or more accurately State Capitalism. George Pendle (and other
observers) with respect to Peron's social and welfare programs initiated to
woo mass support concludes that:

...Peron's National Institute of Social Security...converted Argentina to
one of the most advanced countries in South America. . . it was not
surprising that the majority of workers preferred Peron to their traditional
leaders...they felt that Peron accomplished more for them in a few years
than the Socialist Party achieved in decades...(Argentina; Oxford University
Press, London, 1965, pas. 97, 99)

. . . In Havana Premier Fidel Castro proclaimed three days of mourning and
Cuban officials termed Peron's death a blow to all Latin America. . .(New
York Times, July 2, 1974) This cynical proclamation was not made solely for
tactical reasons, but in recognition of the affinity between the Castro and
Peron regimes. As early as 1961, there were already informal contacts
between Che Guevara and Angel Borlenghi "... a number two man in Peron's
government and his Minister of the Interior for eight years ... Che told
Borlenghi that there's no question about it that Peron was the most advanced
embodiment of political and economic reform in Argentina ... and under Che's
guidance a rapport was established between the Cuban Revolution and the
Peronist movement ... Che has in his possession a letter from Peron
expressing admiration for Castro and the Cuban Revolution and Che had raised
the question of inviting Peron to settle in Havana . . . " (quoted by
Halperin, from Ricardo Rojo's work, My Friend Che; ibid. p. 329-330)

Herbert Matthews supplements Rojo's revelations:...the Argentine journalist
Jorge Massetti who went into the Sierra Maestra in 1958, became friends with
Guevara. He was trained for guerrilla warfare in the Sierra Maestra and in
1964 was killed in a guerrilla raid in Argentina . . . Massetti was credited
with convincing Guevara that Peronism approximated his own ideas. Hilda
Gadea--Guevara's first wife--wrote that for Ernesto Guevara, the fall of
Peron Sept. 1955 was a heavy blow. Che and Massetti blamed it,...'on North
American Imperialists'...(ibid. p. 258)

[Carmelo Mesa-Lago notes the connection between State Socialism and
militarism. Castro enthusiastically hailed] " . . . the Peruvian Social
Revolution as a progressive military group playing a revolutionary role. .
." (Cuba in the 1970s: University of New Mexico Press, 1975, p. 11]) In an
interview, Castro emphatically maintained that social revolution is
compatible with military dictatorship, not only in Peru, but also in
Portugal and Panama.

[When the military junta in Peru] took power...the first thing they did was
to implement agrarian reform which was MUCH MORE RADICAL than the agrarian
reform we initiated in Cuba. It put a much lower limit on the size of
properties; organized cooperatives, agricultural communities; . . . they
also pushed in other fields--in the field of education, social development,
industrialization. . . We must also see the example of Portugal where the
military played a decisive role in political change. . .and are on their way
to finding solutions. . . we have Peru and Panama--where the military are
acting as catalysts in favor of the revolution. . . (Castro quoted by Frank
and Kirby Jones, With Fidel; New York, 1975, p. 195-196)

[The evidence sustains Donald Druze's conclusion that] . . . the programs of
modern 'caudillos' embodies so many features of centralism and National
Socialism, that it almost inevitably blends into communism...(Latin America:
An interpretive History; New York, 1972, p. 570)

Militarism flourishes in Cuba as in Latin America. Castro projected
militarism to a degree unequalled by his predecessor, Batista: total
domination of social, economic and political life. In the Spring of 1959, a
few months after the Revolution of January 1st, Castro, who appointed
himself the "Lider Maximo" ("Caudillo") of the Revolution and
Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, promised to cut the size of the army
in half and ultimately to disband and replace it by civilian militias and
police. "The last thing I am," said Castro, "is a military man . . . ours is
a country without generals and colonels. . . "

Within a year after the disintegration of the Batista Army, Castro turned
Cuba into a thoroughly militarized state, with the most formidable armed
force of any in Latin America. For the first time in Cuban history,
compulsory military service was instituted. Now, Cuba has adopted the
traditional hierarchical ranking system of conventional armies. The Cuban
army differs in no essential respect from the armies of both "capitalist"
and "socialist" imperialist powers.

"Communism" a la Castro

Insofar as relations with the communists are concerned, Theodore Draper
notes the striking resemblance between the policies of Batista and Castro:

. . . Batista paid off the communists for their support, by among other
things, permitting them to set up an official trade union federation, the
Confederacion de Trabajadores de Cuba (CTC) with Lazaro Pena as its
Secretary-General. In 1961, Castro paid off the communists for their
support, by, among other things, permitting Lazaro Pena to come back
officially as Secretary General of the CTC...(ibid. p. 204)

If we accept at face value Castro's conversion to "communism," his
"communism" embodies the Latin American version of Stalinism, absolute
personal dictatorship. But "Caudillos" are not primarily ideologues. They
are, above all, political adventurers. In their lust for power, they are not
guided by ethical considerations, as they claim. In this respect, there is
no essential difference between capitalist states and "revolutionary
socialist states." All dictators conceal their true visage behind the facade
of a political party, paying lip service to goals supposedly popular with
the masses. Castro became a "communist" because he considered that his
survival in power depended on cementing cordial relations with his saviors,
the "socialist" countries (former enemies) and by extension with Batista's
former allies, the domestic "communists." To promote his ends, Castro
established relations with Franco Spain and the Vatican. Nor did he hesitate
to side with the Arab oil magnates--lords over their impoverished
subjects--in the mid-east disputes, or to endorse the Russian invasion of
Czecho-Slovakia.

The Real Revolution Is Yet To Come

Albert Camus observed:

. . . the major event of the twentieth century has been the abandonment of
the values of liberty on the part of the revolutionary movement, the
weakening of Libertarian Socialism, vis-a-vis Caesarist and militaristic
socialism. Since then, a great hope has disappeared from the world, to be
replaced by a deep sense of emptiness in the hearts of all who yearn for
freedom... (Neither victims Nor Executioners)

Whether Castro is working out his own unique brand of "Cuban Socialism" is a
relatively minor question. Even if Castro had no connection with the
communist movement, his mania for personal power would lead inevitably to
the establishment of an "independent" totalitarian regime. What is decisive
is that the Cuban Revolution follows the pattern established in this century
by the aborted Russian Revolution of 1917. This pattern is the
counter-revolution of the State.



See:
http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bright/dolgoff/cubanrevolution/chapter3.html

PL
T.Schmidt
2006-06-16 20:06:50 UTC
Permalink
SPAM

T.Schmidt
P.S. Somebody, please, stop this abuse.
---------------------
Post by PL
Post by Barry Schier
Post by PL
You mean posting links to data about Che.
"Data" implies information with a factual basis.
Do you deny that Che killed hundreds of people lots in execution?
But look at the video and read the articles.
Text: http://ernesto-el-che-guevara.piranho.de/index.html
Video: http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm
You should visit www.cubaverdad.net more and read up Barry.
You are so stuck in your Stalinist sources you don't know fact from
propaganda fiction any more.
Post by Barry Schier
attacking the Cuban Revolution,
Nope atacking the castro regime and it's lies.
The revolution was NOT communist.
Even Che said so. (below a quote form the International Socialist Review)
In the first year of the revolution, Guevara explicitly denied its class
"The Cuban revolution is not a class revolution, but a liberation movement
that has overthrown a dictatorial, tyrannical government."12
12 Che Guevara Speaks: Selected Speeches and Writings, G. Lavan ed. (New
York: Pathfinder, 1967), p. 13.
See: http://www.isreview.org/issues/11/cuba_crisis.shtml
Where were the communists during the Cuban revolution? If we believe Fidel
In the course of the guerrilla struggle in the Sierra Maestra mountains, he
(Castro) delivered another speech which, once again, stresses his distance
"What right does Senor Batista have to speak of Communism? After all, in the
elections of 1940 he was the candidate of the Communist Party ... his
portrait hung next to Blas Roca's and Lazaro Pena's; and half a dozen
ministers and confidants of his are leading members of the CP."
H.M. Enzenburger, Raids and Reconstructions, London, 1976, p.200.
See: http://www.marxisme.dk/arkiv/binns/80-cucas.htm
In November 1940, the communists supported Batista's candidates in the
elections to the Constituent Assembly. In return for their support, Batista
allowed the communists to organize and control the government sponsored
union, Cuban Confederation of Labor (CTC Confederacion de Trabajadores de
Cuba) The first Secretary General of the CTC was Lazaro Pena--who,
ironically, enough, held the same post in the Castro regime. In exchange for
these favors the communists guaranteed Batista labor peace.
(also see the video: Cuba Memoria Sindical) In line with the Communist
Party's "Popular Front Against Fascism" policy, the alliance of the
Communist Party with the Batista was officially consumated when the Party
joined the Batista government. The Communist Party leaders Carlos Rafael
Rodriguez and Juan Marinello (who now hold high posts in the Castro
government) became Ministers Without Portfolio in Batista's Cabinet. To
illustrate the intimate connections between the communists and Batista, we
quote from a letter of Batista to Blas Roca, Secretary of the Communist
June 13,1944
Dear Blas,
With respect to your letter which our mutual friend, Dr. Carlos Rafael
Rodriguez, Minister Without Portfolio, passed to me, I am happy to again
express my firm unshakeable confidence in the loyal cooperation the People's
Socialist Party [the then official name of the Communist Party of Cuba] its
leaders and members have given and continue to give myself and my
government. . .
Believe me, as always, Your very affectionate and cordial friend,
Fulgencio Batista
In the electoral campaign the Communist candidates won ten seats in the
Cuban parliament and more than a hundred posts in the Municipal councils.
In line with their pro-Batista policy the communists joined Batista in
condemning Fidel Castro's attack on the Moncada Barracks (July 1953 -- the
anniversary of the attack is a national holiday in Castro Cuba)
. . . the life of the People's Socialist Party (communist). . . has been to
combat . . . and unmask the putschists and adventurous activities of the
bourgeois opposition as being against the interests of the people. . .
(reported in Daily Worker, U.S organ of the Communist Party, August 10,
1953)
overtly they criticized Batista and covertly they cooperated with him.
http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bright/dolgoff/cubanrevolution/chapter6.html
Post by PL
Also: see the video: Cuba Memoria Sindical
http://www.cubaverdad.net/cuba_trade_union_history.htm
Post by Barry Schier
Post by PL
So you deny that he killed people, ...
Che Guevara was organizer and comandante of guerrilla forces.
Guerrillas carry guns One of the "jobs" of guerrillas is to kill
people, i
Not talking about people killed in battle comrade Barry.
executions.
216 DOCUMENTED VICTIMS OF CHÉ GUEVARA IN CUBA: 1957 TO 1959
CUBA ARCHIVE
From Armando M. Lago, Ph.D.Žs
Cuba: The Human Cost of
Social Revolution
Manuscript Pending Publication
The exact number of Che's victims in Cuba is unknown. Guevara is said to
have acknowledged ordering many executions -all carried out without
affording the victims due process of law. Combat deaths caused by Che
in Cuba or other countries where he led guerrilla operations have yet to
be tallied.
The following list is not exhaustive and includes only cases for which
historic reference is known -those he personally executed as well as
those killed under his orders. Names are cited as reported. Additional
details, including bibliographic information, are available for most cases.
Executed by Che in the Sierra Maestra during the anti-Batista guerrilla
struggle (1957-1958)
1. ARISTIDIO - 10-57
2. MANUEL CAPITÁN - 1957
3. JUAN CHANG - 9-57
4. "BISCO" ECHEVARRÍA MARTÍNEZ - 8-57
5. EUTIMIO GUERRA - 2-18-57
6. DIONISIO LEBRIGIO - 9-57
7. JUAN LEBRIGIO - 9-57
8. "EL NEGRO" NÁPOLES - 2-18-57
9. "CHICHO" OSORIO - 1-17-57
10. UNIDENTIFIED TEACHER ("EL MAESTRO") - 9-57
11-12. 2 BROTHERS, SPIES FROM THE MASFERRER GROUP - 9-57
13-14. 2 UNIDENTIFIED PEASANTS - 4-57
Executed or sent for execution by Che during his brief command in Santa
Clara (Jan. 1-3, 1959)
1. RAMÓN ALBA - 1-3-59**
2. JOSÉ BARROSO- 1-59
3. JOAQUÍN CASILLAS LUMPUY - 1-2-59**
4. FÉLIX CRUZ - 1-1-59
5. ALEJANDRO GARCÍA ALAYÓN - 1-31-59**
6. HÉCTOR MIRABAL - 1-59
7. J. MIRABAL- 1-59
8. FÉLIX MONTANO - 1-59
9. CORNELIO ROJAS - 1-7-59**
10. VILALLA - 1-59
11. DOMINGO ÁLVAREZ MARTÍNEZ - 1-4-59**
12. CANO DEL PRIETO - 1-7-59**
13. JOSE FERNÁNDEZ MARTÍNEZ-1-2-59
14. JOSÉ GRIZEL SEGURA - 1-7-59** ( Manacas)
15. ARTURO PÉREZ PÉREZ - 1-24-59**
16. RICARDO RODRÍGUEZ PÉREZ - 1-11-59**
17. FRANCISCO ROSELL - 1-11-59
18. IGNACIO ROSELL LEYVA - 1-11-59
19. ANTONIO RUÍZ BELTRÁN -1-11-59
20. RAMÓN SANTOS GARCÍA - 1-12-59
21. PEDRO SOCARRÁS - 1-12-59**
22. MANUEL VALDÉS - 1-59
23. TACE JOSÉ VELÁZQUEZ - 12-59**
**Che signed the death penalty before leaving Santa Clara.
Executions documented for La Cabaña Fortress prison during Che's command
(January 3 to November 26, 1959)
1. VILAU ABREU - 7-3-59
2. HUMBERTO AGUIAR - 1959
3. GERMÁN AGUIRRE - 1959
4. PELAYO ALAYÓN - 2-59
5. JOSÉ LUIS ALFARO SIERRA - 7-1-59
6. PEDRO ALFARO - 7-25-59
7. MARIANO ALONSO - 7-1-59
8. JOSÉ ALVARO - 3-1-59
9. ALVARO ANGUIERA SUÁREZ - 1-4-59
10. ANIELLA - 1959
11. MARIO ARES POLO - 1-2-59
12. JOSÉ RAMÓN BACALLAO - 12-23-59**
13. SEVERINO BARRIOS - 12-9-59**
14. EUGENIO BÉCQUER - 9-29-59
15. FRANCISCO BÉCQUER - 7-2-59
16. RAMÓN BISCET - 7-5-59
17. ROBERTO CALZADILLA - 1959
18. EUFEMIO CANO - 4-59
19. JUAN CAPOTE FIALLO - 5-1-59
20. ANTONIO CARRALERO - 2-4-59
21. GERTRUDIS CASTELLANOS - 5-7-59
22. JOSÉ CASTAÑO QUEVEDO - 3-6-59
23. RAÚL CASTAÑO - 5-30-59
24. EUFEMIO CHALA - 12-16-59**
25. JOSÉ CHAMACE - 10-15-59
26. JOSÉ CHAMIZO - 3-59
27. RAÚL CLAUSELL - 1-28-59
28. ÁNGEL CLAUSELL - 1-18-59
29. DEMETRIO CLAUSELL - 1-2-59
30. JOSÉ CLAUSELL - 1-29-59
31. ELOY CONTRERAS 1-18-59
32. ALBERTO CORBO - 12-7-59**
33. EMILIO CRUZ PEREZ - 12-7-59**
34. ORESTES CRUZ - 1959
35. ADALBERTO CUEVAS - 7-2-59**
36. CUNI - 1959
37. ANTONIO DE BECHE - 1-5-59
38. MATEO DELGADO - 12-4-59
39. ARMANDO DELGADO - 1-29-59
40. RAMÓN DESPAIGNE - 1959
41. JOSÉ DÍAZ CABEZAS - 7-30-59
42. FIDEL DÍAZ MARQUINA - 4-9-59
43. ANTONIO DUARTE - 7-2-59
44. RAMÓN FERNÁNDEZ OJEDA - 5-29-59
45. RUDY FERNÁNDEZ - 7-30-59
46. FERRÁN ALFONSO - 1-12-59
47. SALVADOR FERRERO - 6-29-59
48. VICTOR FIGUEREDO - 1-59
49. EDUARDO FORTE - 3-20-59
50. UGARDE GALÁN - 1959
51. RAFAEL GARCÍA MUÑIZ - 1-20-59
52. ADALBERTO GARCÍA - 6-6-59
53. ALBERTO GARCÍA - 6-6-59
54. JACINTO GARCÍA - 9-8-59
55. EVELIO GASPAR - 12-4-59**
56. ARMADA GIL Y DIEZ CABEZAS - 12-4-59**
57. JOSÉ GONZÁLEZ MALAGÓN - 7-2-59
58. EVARISTO BENERIO GONZÁLEZ - 11-14-59
59. EZEQUIEL GONZÁLEZ - 1-59
60. SECUNDINO GONZÁLEZ - 1959
61. RICARDO LUIS GRAO - 2-3-59
62. RICARDO JOSÉ GRAU - -7-59
63. OSCAR GUERRA - 3-9-59
64. JULIÁN HERNÁNDEZ - 2-9-59
65. FRANCISCO HERNÁNDEZ LEYVA - 4-15-59
66. ANTONIO HERNÁNDEZ - 2-14-59
67. GERARDO HERNÁNDEZ - 7-26-59
68. OLEGARIO HERNÁNDEZ - 4-23-59
69. SECUNDINO HERNÁNDEZ - 1-59
70. RODOLFO HERNÁNDEZ FALCÓN - 1.9.59
71. RAÚL HERRERA - 2-18-59
72. JESÚS INSUA - 7-30-59
73. ENRIQUE IZQUIERDO- 7-3-59
74. SILVINO JUNCO - 11-15-59
75. ENRIQUE LA ROSA - 1959
76. BONIFACIO LASAPARLA - 1959
77. JESÚS LAZO OTAÑO - 1959
78. ARIEL LIMA LAGO - 8-1-59 ( Minor)
79. RENE LÓPEZ VIDAL - 7-3-59
80. ARMANDO MAS - 2-17-59
81. ONERLIO MATA - 1-30-59
82. EVELIO MATA RODRIGUEZ - 2-8-59
83. ELPIDIO MEDEROS - 1-9-59
84. JOSÉ MEDINA - 5-17-59
85. JOSÉ MESA - 7-23-59
86. FIDEL MESQUÍA DIAZ - 7-11-59
87. JUAN MANUEL MILIÁN - 1959
88. JOSÉ MILIAN PÉREZ - 4-3-59
89. FRANCISCO MIRABAL - 5-29-59
90. LUIS MIRABAL - 1959
91. ERNESTO MORALES - 1959
92. PEDRO MOREJÓN - 3-59
93. DR. CARLOS MUIÑO, M.D. - 1959
94. CÉSAR NECOLARDES ROJAS - 1-7-59
95. VICTOR NECOLARDES ROJAS - 1-7-59
96. JOSÉ NUÑEZ - 3-59
97. VITERBO O'REILLY - 2-27-59
98. FÉLIX OVIEDO - 7-21-59
99. MANUEL PANEQUE - 8-16-59
100. PEDRO PEDROSO - 12-1-59**
101. DIEGO PÉREZ CUESTA - 1959
102. JUAN PÉREZ HERNANDEZ-5-29-59
103. DIEGO PÉREZ CRELA - 04-03-59
104. JOSÉ POZO - 1959
105. EMILIO PUEBLA - 4-30-59
106. ALFREDO PUPO - 5-29-59
107. SECUNDINO RAMÍREZ - 4-2-59
108. RAMÓN RAMOS - 4-23-59
109. PABLO RAVELO JR. 9-15-59
110. RUBÉN REY ALBEROLA- 2-27-59
111. MARIO RISQUELME - 1-29-59
112. FERNANDO RIVERA - 10-8-59
113. PABLO RIVERO - 5-59
114. MANUEL RODRÍGUEZ - 3-1-59
115. MARCOS RODRÍGUEZ - 7-31-59
116. NEMESIO RODRÍGUEZ - 7-30-59
117. PABLO RODRÍGUEZ - 10-1-59
118. RICARDO RODRÍGUEZ - 5-29-59
119. OLEGARIO RODRÍGUEZ FERNÁNDEZ - 4.23.59
120. JOSÉ SALDARA - 11-9-59
121. PEDRO SANTANA - 2-59
122. SERGIO SIERRA - 1-9-59
123. JUAN SILVA - 8-59
124. FAUSTO SILVA - 1-29-59
125. ELPIDIO SOLER - 11-8-59
126. JESÚS SOSA BLANCO - 2-8-59
127. RENATO SOSA - 6-28-59
128. SERGIO SOSA - 8-20-59
129. PEDRO SOTO - 3-20-59
130. OSCAR SUÁREZ - 4-30-59
131. RAFAEL TARRAGO - 2-18-59
132. TEODORO TELLEZ CISNEROS - 1-3-59
133. FRANCISCO TELLEZ - 1-3-59
134. JOSÉ TIN - 1-12-59
135. FRANCISCO TRAVIESO - 1959
136. LEONARDO TRUJILLO - 2-27-59
137. TRUJILLO - 1959
138. LUPE VALDÉS BARBOSA - 3-22-59
139. MARCELINO VALDÉS - 7-21-59
140. ANTONIO VALENTÍN - 3-22-59
141. MANUEL VÁZQUEZ - 3-22-59
142. SERGIO VÁZQUEZ - 5-29-59
143. VERDECIA - 1959
144. DÁMASO ZAYAS - 7-23-59
145. JOSÉ ALVARADO - 4-22-59
146. LEONARDO BARÓ - 1-12-59
147. RAÚL CONCEPCIÓN LIMA - 1959
148. ElADIO CARO - 1-4-59
149. CARPINTOR - 1959
150. CARLOS CORVO MARTÍNEZ - 1959
151. JUAN GUILLERMO COSSÍO - 1959
152. CORPORAL ORTEGA - 7-11-59
153. JUAN MANUEL PRIETO - 1959
154. ANTONIO VALDÉS MENA - 5-11-59
155. ESTEBAN LASTRA - 1-59
156. JUAN FELIPE CRUZ SERAFIN - 6-59**
157. BONIFACIO GRASSO - 7-59
158. FELICIANO ALMENARES - 12-8-59
159. ANTONIO BLANCO NAVARRO - 12-10-59**
160. ALBERTO CAROLA - 6-5-59
161. EVARISTO GUERRA - 2-8-59
162. CRISTÓBAL MARTÍNEZ - 1-16-59
163. PEDRO RODRÍGUEZ - 1-10-59
164. FRANCISCO TRUJILLO - 2-18-59
**The death sentence was signed by Che, but the execution was carried
out after he left his command.
15 additional executions were reported by The New York Times, but names
are unknown.
Information provided by
CUBA ARCHIVE, an initiative of the
FREE SOCIETY PROJECT, INC.
www.CubaArchive.org
http://www.miscelaneasdecuba.net/web/article.asp?artID=5649
The Cuban Revolution
A Critical Perspective
by Sam Dolgoff
The Character of the Cuban Revolution
A Non-Social Revolution
The myth, induced by the revolutionary euphoria of the pro-Castro left, that
a genuine social-revolution took place in Cuba, is based on a number of
major fallacies. Among them is the idea that a social revolution can take
place in a small semi-developed island, a country with a population of about
eight million, totally dependent for the uninterrupted flow of vital
supplies upon either of the great super-powers, Russia or the U.S. They
assume falsely that these voracious powers will not take advantage of Cuba's
situation to promote their own selfish interests. There can be no more
convincing evidence of this tragic impossibility than Castro's sycophantic
attitude toward his benefactor, the Soviet Union, going so far as to applaud
Russia's invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, a crime certainly on a par with
the military coup in Chile, which Castro rightfully condemned. To assume,
furthermore, that the Cuban social revolution can be miraculously achieved
without simultaneous uprisings in Latin America and elsewhere, is both naive
and irresponsible.
Nationalization Versus Socialism
To equate nationalization of the economy and social services instituted from
above by the decree "revolutionary government" or a caudillo, with true
socialism is a dangerous illusion. Nationalization and similar measures,
under the name of "welfareism," are common. They are widespread, and in many
cases deep-going programs, instituted by democratic "welfare" states or
"benevolent" dictators as an antidote to revolution, and are by no means
equtvalent to socialism.
Russia and Cuba: Two Revolutions Compared
Another fallacy about the nature of the Cuban Revolution can perhaps be best
illustrated by contrasting the early stages of the Russian Revolution of
1917 with the Cuban events. Analogies between the Russian and Cuban
Revolutions--like analogies in general--fail to take into account certain
Czarism was OVERTHROWN by the spontaneous revolts of the peasant and
proletarian masses only after a prolonged and bloody civil war.
In Cuba, the Batista regime COLLAPSED WITHOUT A STRUGGLE for lack of popular
support. There were no peasant revolts. No general strikes. Theodor Draper
(and many other observers) argues persuasively that since there were at
least "500,000 agricultural workers in Cuba" there could not have been many
peasants in a
. . . guerrilla force that never amounted to more than a thousand. . . there
was nothing comparable in Cuba to the classic peasant revolution led by
Zapata in Mexico in 1910. . . there was no national peasant uprising.
Outside the immediate vicinity of the guerrilla forces, revolutionary
activity, in the country as a whole, was largely a middle class phenomenon,
with some working class support, but without working class
organizations...(Castroism: Theory and Practice; New York, 1965, p. 74-75)
[This takes on added significance when we consider that the unions comprised
ONE MILLION out of a total population of about six million when the
Revolution began, Jan. 1, 1959.]
In Russia, the masses made the social revolution BEFORE the establishment of
the Bolshevik government. Lenin climbed to power by voicing the demands of,
"All Power to the Soviets," "The Land to the Peasants," "The Factories to
the Workers," etc. In Cuba, Castro, for fear of losing popular support,
carefully avoided a social-revolutionary platform--assuming that he had one.
Unlike Lenin, he came to power because he promised to put into effect the
bourgeois-democratic program.
History is full of unexpected twists and turns. Ironically enough, these two
different revolutions had similar results: Both Lenin and Castro betrayed
their respective revolutions, instituted totalitarian regimes and ruled by
decree from above.
The well-known anarcho-syndicalist writer and activist, Augustin Souchy,
makes a cogent comparison between the Spanish Revolution (1936-1939) and the
. . . while in Spain, the confiscation of the land and the organization of
the collectives was initiated and carried through, by the peasants
themselves; in Cuba, social-economic transformation was initiated, not by
the people, but by Castro and his comrades-in-arms. It is this distinction
that accounts for the different development of the two revolutions; Spain,
mass revolution from the bottom up; Cuba, revolution from the top down by
decree . . . (see Cuba. An Eyewitness Report, below)
Which brings to mind the celebrated phrase of the "Apostle" of Cuban
independence Jose Marti: "To Change the Master Is Not To Be Free."
Revolution the Latin American Way
The Cuban Revolution draws its specific character from a variety of sources.
While not a Latin American "palace revolution" which produced no deep seated
social changes, it nevertheless relates to the tradition of miltarism and
bogus paternalism of Latin American "Caudillismo," the "Man on Horseback."
"Caudillismo"--"right" or "left," "revolutionary" or "reactionary"--is a
chronic affliction in Latin America since the wars for independence
initiated by Simon Bolivar in 1810. The "revolutionary caudillo" Juan Peron
of Argentina, catapulted to power by "leftist" army officers, was deposed by
"rightist" military officers. Maurice Halperin calls attention to the ". . .
expropriation of vast properties in Peru in 1968 and in Bolivia in 1969 by
the very generals who had destroyed Cuban supported guerrilla uprisings in
their respective countries. . . " (The Rise and Fall of Fidel Castro;
University of California, 1972, p. 118)
The militarization of Cuban society by a revolutionary dictatorship headed
by the "Caudillo" of the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro follows, in general,
the Latin American pattern. Like other revolutionary Latin American
"Caudillos, " Castro would come to power only on the basis of programs
designed to win the indispensable support of the masses. Edwin Lieuwen
. . . In Chile in 1924, Major Carlos Ibanez established a military
dictatorship [that] was notably successful in combining authoritarian rule
with policies aimed at meeting popular demands for greater social justice.
Successful but short lived revolutions took place during 1936 under the
leadership of radical young officers inspired by ideas of social reform and
authoritarian nationalism. . In Bolivia a clique of radical young officers
came to power. Major David Toro and Colonel German Busch successfully headed
regimes that had social revolution as their goals. . . they catered to
the downtrodden and pledged to build a new nation. Toro and Busch based
their dictatorial regimes on attempts to win mass support ... (Arms and
Politics in Latin America; New York, 1961, pgs. 60, 62, 78, 79)
When in 1968, a "revolutionary" military Junta seized power in Peru, the new
military government proclaimed the fundamental principle underlying all
. . . the final aim of the State, being the welfare of the nation; and the
armed forces being the instrument which the State uses to impose its
policies, therefore, . . . in order to arrive at collective prosperity, the
armed forces have the mission to watch over the social welfare, the final
aim of the State... (quoted, Modes of Political Change in Latin America, ed.
Paul Sigmund, New York, 1970, p. 201)
Dr. Carlos Delgado, Director of the Information Bureau of the
Revolutionary
Post by PL
Government of Peru, after stressing that the revolution was " . . .
initiated from above" by decree, boasted that the dictatorship in "...the
last four and a half years" accomplished more for the betterment of the
people than in the "whole epoch of Republican rule." The revolution was
hailed, boasted Delgado, even by the French Marxist thinker, Henri Lefebvre,
as one of the most important historical events of the contemporary world..."
(see Reconstruir, anarchist bi-monthly, Buenos Aires, Nov.-Dec. 1974)
There is an umbilical connection between militarism and the State, fully
compatible with, and indispensable to, all varieties of State
"socialism"--or more accurately State Capitalism. George Pendle (and other
observers) with respect to Peron's social and welfare programs initiated to
...Peron's National Institute of Social Security...converted Argentina to
one of the most advanced countries in South America. . . it was not
surprising that the majority of workers preferred Peron to their traditional
leaders...they felt that Peron accomplished more for them in a few years
than the Socialist Party achieved in decades...(Argentina; Oxford University
Press, London, 1965, pas. 97, 99)
. . . In Havana Premier Fidel Castro proclaimed three days of mourning and
Cuban officials termed Peron's death a blow to all Latin America. . .(New
York Times, July 2, 1974) This cynical proclamation was not made solely for
tactical reasons, but in recognition of the affinity between the Castro and
Peron regimes. As early as 1961, there were already informal contacts
between Che Guevara and Angel Borlenghi "... a number two man in Peron's
government and his Minister of the Interior for eight years ... Che told
Borlenghi that there's no question about it that Peron was the most advanced
embodiment of political and economic reform in Argentina ... and under Che's
guidance a rapport was established between the Cuban Revolution and the
Peronist movement ... Che has in his possession a letter from Peron
expressing admiration for Castro and the Cuban Revolution and Che had raised
the question of inviting Peron to settle in Havana . . . " (quoted by
Halperin, from Ricardo Rojo's work, My Friend Che; ibid. p. 329-330)
Herbert Matthews supplements Rojo's revelations:...the Argentine journalist
Jorge Massetti who went into the Sierra Maestra in 1958, became friends with
Guevara. He was trained for guerrilla warfare in the Sierra Maestra and in
1964 was killed in a guerrilla raid in Argentina . . . Massetti was credited
with convincing Guevara that Peronism approximated his own ideas. Hilda
Gadea--Guevara's first wife--wrote that for Ernesto Guevara, the fall of
Peron Sept. 1955 was a heavy blow. Che and Massetti blamed it,...'on North
American Imperialists'...(ibid. p. 258)
[Carmelo Mesa-Lago notes the connection between State Socialism and
militarism. Castro enthusiastically hailed] " . . . the Peruvian Social
Revolution as a progressive military group playing a revolutionary role. .
." (Cuba in the 1970s: University of New Mexico Press, 1975, p. 11]) In an
interview, Castro emphatically maintained that social revolution is
compatible with military dictatorship, not only in Peru, but also in
Portugal and Panama.
[When the military junta in Peru] took power...the first thing they did was
to implement agrarian reform which was MUCH MORE RADICAL than the agrarian
reform we initiated in Cuba. It put a much lower limit on the size of
properties; organized cooperatives, agricultural communities; . . . they
also pushed in other fields--in the field of education, social
development,
Post by PL
industrialization. . . We must also see the example of Portugal where the
military played a decisive role in political change. . .and are on their way
to finding solutions. . . we have Peru and Panama--where the military are
acting as catalysts in favor of the revolution. . . (Castro quoted by Frank
and Kirby Jones, With Fidel; New York, 1975, p. 195-196)
[The evidence sustains Donald Druze's conclusion that] . . . the programs of
modern 'caudillos' embodies so many features of centralism and National
An interpretive History; New York, 1972, p. 570)
Militarism flourishes in Cuba as in Latin America. Castro projected
militarism to a degree unequalled by his predecessor, Batista: total
domination of social, economic and political life. In the Spring of 1959, a
few months after the Revolution of January 1st, Castro, who appointed
himself the "Lider Maximo" ("Caudillo") of the Revolution and
Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, promised to cut the size of the army
in half and ultimately to disband and replace it by civilian militias and
police. "The last thing I am," said Castro, "is a military man . . . ours is
a country without generals and colonels. . . "
Within a year after the disintegration of the Batista Army, Castro turned
Cuba into a thoroughly militarized state, with the most formidable armed
force of any in Latin America. For the first time in Cuban history,
compulsory military service was instituted. Now, Cuba has adopted the
traditional hierarchical ranking system of conventional armies. The Cuban
army differs in no essential respect from the armies of both "capitalist"
and "socialist" imperialist powers.
"Communism" a la Castro
Insofar as relations with the communists are concerned, Theodore Draper
. . . Batista paid off the communists for their support, by among other
things, permitting them to set up an official trade union federation, the
Confederacion de Trabajadores de Cuba (CTC) with Lazaro Pena as its
Secretary-General. In 1961, Castro paid off the communists for their
support, by, among other things, permitting Lazaro Pena to come back
officially as Secretary General of the CTC...(ibid. p. 204)
If we accept at face value Castro's conversion to "communism," his
"communism" embodies the Latin American version of Stalinism, absolute
personal dictatorship. But "Caudillos" are not primarily ideologues. They
are, above all, political adventurers. In their lust for power, they are not
guided by ethical considerations, as they claim. In this respect, there is
no essential difference between capitalist states and "revolutionary
socialist states." All dictators conceal their true visage behind the facade
of a political party, paying lip service to goals supposedly popular with
the masses. Castro became a "communist" because he considered that his
survival in power depended on cementing cordial relations with his saviors,
the "socialist" countries (former enemies) and by extension with Batista's
former allies, the domestic "communists." To promote his ends, Castro
established relations with Franco Spain and the Vatican. Nor did he hesitate
to side with the Arab oil magnates--lords over their impoverished
subjects--in the mid-east disputes, or to endorse the Russian invasion of
Czecho-Slovakia.
The Real Revolution Is Yet To Come
. . . the major event of the twentieth century has been the abandonment of
the values of liberty on the part of the revolutionary movement, the
weakening of Libertarian Socialism, vis-a-vis Caesarist and militaristic
socialism. Since then, a great hope has disappeared from the world, to be
replaced by a deep sense of emptiness in the hearts of all who yearn for
freedom... (Neither victims Nor Executioners)
Whether Castro is working out his own unique brand of "Cuban Socialism" is a
relatively minor question. Even if Castro had no connection with the
communist movement, his mania for personal power would lead inevitably to
the establishment of an "independent" totalitarian regime. What is decisive
is that the Cuban Revolution follows the pattern established in this century
by the aborted Russian Revolution of 1917. This pattern is the
counter-revolution of the State.
http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bright/dolgoff/cubanrevolution/chapter3.html
Post by PL
PL
Barry Schier
2006-06-17 04:53:11 UTC
Permalink
Post by PL
Post by Barry Schier
Post by PL
You mean posting links to data about Che.
"Data" implies information with a factual basis.
Do you deny that Che killed hundreds of people lots in execution?
But look at the video and read the articles.
Text: http://ernesto-el-che-guevara.piranho.de/index.html
Video: http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm
You should visit www.cubaverdad.net more and read up Barry.
You are so stuck in your Stalinist sources you don't know fact from
propaganda fiction any more.
(1) I assume that when PL asked me, "Do you deny that Che killed
hundreds of people lots in execution?" his intention wasn't to be
"short" on grammar and comprehensibilty, but to be "long" and loud in
rhetorical intent. Although Che Guevara played a leadership /
directing role instead of actually pulling the trigger in almost all
cases, not don't deny that Che had responsibility for the death
sentences meted out as a result of the trials that were held not long
after the triumph of the Cuban revolution, but he would have been
irresponsible had he let any of the hundreds of henchmen, policemen,
and other torturers who were proven culpable of their crimes committing
in connection with the U.S.-backed Batista dictatorship have any fate
other than execution or long, long prison sentences. There's a
principle: impunity for crimes issues an non-verbal license for others
of the same politics to commit similar acts.
(2) A televised trial held in a packed stadium is the very
opposite of a "secret trial." (Those who defend any aspect of U.S.
foreign policy in the domain of prisoner treatment, especially e recent
transition from no trial whatsoever for U.S. detainees to secret
hearings before a kangaroo court have no right whatsoever to make
allegations about alleged "secret trials" directed by the Cuban
leadership. Translate "Abu Ghraib" and "Guantamano" into whichever
languages one may choose; any before complaining about alleged
"executions," translate "My Lai", "El Mozote," or (the very, very
recent) "Haditha" massacres by conducted by U.S. troops and/or armed
forces operating in Washington's interests (if not also direct or
indirect orders) into whichever languages one may choose.
(3) My cited statistics re Cuban literacy and health care
indicators being almost at a par with the "advanced" indusgtrial
countries (e.g., infant mortality of only 0.62%, illiteracy of < 5%,
life expectancy of 77+ years) come not from "Stalinist sources," but
from the CIA World Factbook, i.e., a publication of the agency which
has been in charge of trying to overthrow the government established by
Cuban Revolution (as well as any other government showing an iota of
wanting to try to go along with demands of popular movements for social
justice).
Post by PL
Post by Barry Schier
attacking the Cuban Revolution,
Nope atacking the castro regime and its lies.
The revolution was NOT communist.
Even Che said so. (below a quote form the International Socialist Review)
In the first year of the revolution, Guevara explicitly denied its class
"The Cuban revolution is not a class revolution, but a liberation movement
that has overthrown a dictatorial, tyrannical government."12
12 Che Guevara Speaks: Selected Speeches and Writings, G. Lavan ed. (New
York: Pathfinder, 1967), p. 13.
See: http://www.isreview.org/issues/11/cuba_crisis.shtml
(4) One of the contributions of Russian revolutionary leader Leon
Trotsky was his theory of "Permament Revolution" which (in a quite
oversimplified summary) statest that a revolution which starts as a
"democratic revolution" (i.e., for overthrow of a dictatorship, end of
theocratic practices and rule, independence) does not shop --- and
should not stop -- with a insurgent movement for accomplish those
goals, but soon expands its aims to become a revolution to overthrow a
system based on inequality.
(5) Thus, almost all of the original members representing the
privileged class in the cabinet established after the revolution
triumphed quickly resigned and fled to Florida after they discovered
that the Cuban Revolution and its leadetrship didn't intend to drag
their feet in establishing social justice and merely switch faces on
the roster of Who's Who In Plunderers and Exploiters of Cuban Workers
and Farmers and Their Allies, but instead aimed to mass mobilize the
masses in order to readily implement thorough-going social reforms.
(6) Yes (concerning the citation below), most of the leaders of the
Cuban Revolution had no intentions of starting a socialist revolution.
As events and the class conflict heats up and the country becomes more
polarized, circumstances then force leaders then have to make choices
which (unless they are part of a revolutionary party) they may not have
even previously thought much about. The socialist course of Cuban
Revolution was not declared until after the U.S.-led attempted invasion
of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs.
Post by PL
Where were the communists during the Cuban revolution? If we believe Fidel
In the course of the guerrilla struggle in the Sierra Maestra mountains, he
(Castro) delivered another speech which, once again, stresses his distance
(7) Concerning the citations below, as a Trotskyist, I have often
pointed out that the Stalinist parties (INCLUDING the Cuba one that
operated under another name for decades prior to the triumph of the
Cuban Revolution) have a major goal of aiming to work out a deal with
capitalist governments (INCLUDING that of Batista), and coalitions with
capitalists ("Popular Fronts"), preferably with themselves getting one
or more posts in those governments) that will move towards "detente,"
"peaceful coexistence," or any of many other synonyms for the same
concept that appear in the thesaurus of politics. Instead of
participation in mass public demonstrations, the Stalinists urge
participation in private deals, and instead of revolution, the
Stalinists urge "rapprochement."
Post by PL
"What right does Senor Batista have to speak of Communism? After all, in the
elections of 1940 he was the candidate of the Communist Party ... his
portrait hung next to Blas Roca's and Lazaro Pena's; and half a dozen
ministers and confidants of his are leading members of the CP."
H.M. Enzenburger, Raids and Reconstructions, London, 1976, p.200.
See: http://www.marxisme.dk/arkiv/binns/80-cucas.htm
In November 1940, the communists supported Batista's candidates in the
elections to the Constituent Assembly. In return for their support, Batista
allowed the communists to organize and control the government sponsored
union, Cuban Confederation of Labor (CTC Confederacion de Trabajadores de
Cuba) The first Secretary General of the CTC was Lazaro Pena--who,
ironically, enough, held the same post in the Castro regime. In exchange for
these favors the communists guaranteed Batista labor peace.
(also see the video: Cuba Memoria Sindical) In line with the Communist
Party's "Popular Front Against Fascism" policy, the alliance of the
Communist Party with the Batista was officially consumated when the Party
joined the Batista government. The Communist Party leaders Carlos Rafael
Rodriguez and Juan Marinello (who now hold high posts in the Castro
government) became Ministers Without Portfolio in Batista's Cabinet. To
illustrate the intimate connections between the communists and Batista, we
quote from a letter of Batista to Blas Roca, Secretary of the Communist
June 13,1944
Dear Blas,
With respect to your letter which our mutual friend, Dr. Carlos Rafael
Rodriguez, Minister Without Portfolio, passed to me, I am happy to again
express my firm unshakeable confidence in the loyal cooperation the People's
Socialist Party [the then official name of the Communist Party of Cuba] its
leaders and members have given and continue to give myself and my
government. . .
Believe me, as always, Your very affectionate and cordial friend,
Fulgencio Batista
In the electoral campaign the Communist candidates won ten seats in the
Cuban parliament and more than a hundred posts in the Municipal councils.
In line with their pro-Batista policy the communists joined Batista in
condemning Fidel Castro's attack on the Moncada Barracks (July 1953 -- the
anniversary of the attack is a national holiday in Castro Cuba)
. . . the life of the People's Socialist Party (communist). . . has been to
combat . . . and unmask the putschists and adventurous activities of the
bourgeois opposition as being against the interests of the people. . .
(reported in Daily Worker, U.S organ of the Communist Party, August 10,
1953)
overtly they criticized Batista and covertly they cooperated with him.
http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bright/dolgoff/cubanrevolution/chapter6.html
Also: see the video: Cuba Memoria Sindical
http://www.cubaverdad.net/cuba_trade_union_history.htm
Post by Barry Schier
Post by PL
So you deny that he killed people, ...
Che Guevara was organizer and comandante of guerrilla forces.
Guerrillas carry guns One of the "jobs" of guerrillas is to kill
people, i
Not talking about people killed in battle ... [but] executions.
See my comments at the start of this discussion reply, i.e., starting
with (1).
Post by PL
216 DOCUMENTED [sic] VICTIMS [sic] OF CHÉ GUEVARA IN CUBA: 1957 TO 1959 by A.M. Lago has been ("Snipped") as it's available in earlier posting in this discussion thread or (fill in the proper number of zillions here) of other postings on this newsgroup.
(As opposed to the snipping of Lago's lies and libel and ridiculous
repetitions of same, Sam Dogloff's article has been cut solely for
space reasons; an exchange between myself and PL concerning Sam
Dogloff's article apeared sometime ago in soc.culture.cuba; hopefully,
that article can be reproduced in the context of that exchange).

-- Barry Schier
PL
2006-06-17 10:45:56 UTC
Permalink
I said:
Tell us what facts are not correct according to you:
Text: http://ernesto-el-che-guevara.piranho.de/index.html
Video: http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm
Post by Barry Schier
Post by PL
Do you deny that Che killed hundreds of people lots in execution?
(1) I assume that when PL asked me, "Do you deny that Che killed
hundreds of people lots in execution?" his intention wasn't to be
"short" on grammar and comprehensibilty, but to be "long" and loud in
rhetorical intent.
this from a hypocrite that posts stuff like:
"i've already stated that, as a Marxist, I bwelieve that which languages
and the extent to which they are taught is a reflection of
socioeconomic interests."
and this in this same post
"instead of actually pulling the trigger in almost all cases, not don't deny
that Che had responsibility "
That, by the way Barry is a "double negative". A "Freudian slip" maybe? Must
have been hard for you to have to admit that Che is a killer.
I can imagine you agony.

More Freudian slips her, hypocrite Barry? (also from this message)
"starts as a "democratic revolution" (i.e., for overthrow of a dictatorship,
end of
theocratic practices and rule, independence) does not shop"

I think people "wbelieve" you are a frustrated propagandist that uses even a
typo or a grammar error to attack people.

Thanks for showing your character again comrade Barry.
Post by Barry Schier
Although Che Guevara played a leadership / directing role instead of
actually pulling the trigger in almost all
cases, not don't deny that Che had responsibility for the death
sentences meted out as a result of the trials that were held not long
after the triumph of the Cuban revolution,
and the summary executions in the field even against the will of other
revolutionaries?
Not all of Che victims had (even a summary "revolutionary") trial, no?
Video: http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm
Post by Barry Schier
There's a principle: impunity for crimes issues an non-verbal license for
others
of the same politics to commit similar acts.
Yep.
Castro kept on eliminating his ennemies (see Ochoa) and even women and
children trying to flee the country:
http://www.cubaverdad.net/13_de_marzo.htm
Post by Barry Schier
(2) A televised trial held in a packed stadium is the very opposite of
a "secret trial."

indeed.
It is a Stalinist show trial.
See Ochoa again.
Post by Barry Schier
(3) My cited statistics re Cuban literacy and health care indicators
being almost at a par with the "advanced" indusgtrial
countries
We all know that Castro cooks the books.
Cuba's "revolutionary" statistics:

"People emigrating from Cuba or visiting Cuba, including international
health representatives, have reported that it is in line with Cuban
Government
policy to report mild cases of dengue as "influenza". Cuban physicians
have confirmed allegations that some disease reporting in Cuba is
politically influenced (e.g., if dengue were declared wiped out, then
physicians could
report the disease only as influenza-like symptoms). "

"WHO and the PanAmerican Health Organization (WHO's Regional Office for the
Western Hemisphere) cannot
report to the world without clearance from the Cuban government."
See: www.promedmail.org Archive Number 19970627.1390


Michael Thiede is Senior Research Officer in the Health Economics Unit
of the Department of Public Health and Primary Health Care at the
University of Cape Town, South Africa. He writes: " Last year I spent
three months in Cuba. I am still motivated to put together some papers
on Cuban health care. Unfortunately, however, during my stay I was
only able to get hold of the official statistical data and find them
not especially trustworthy.
http://www.stanford.edu/group/wais/cuba_healthcarestatistics62202.html
(link broken)

Some reality:

Sociedad
Un falso primer lugar
Sin la existencia de fuentes independientes, ¿cómo los organismos
internacionales pueden certificar los 'logros' cubanos en salud y nutrición"
http://cubadata.blogspot.com/2006/06/un-falso-primer-lugar.html


(snip)
Post by Barry Schier
(4) One of the contributions of Russian revolutionary leader Leon
Trotsky was his theory of "Permament Revolution" which (in a quite
oversimplified summary) statest that a revolution which starts as a
"democratic revolution" (i.e., for overthrow of a dictatorship, end of
theocratic practices and rule, independence) does not shop --- and
should not stop -- with a insurgent movement for accomplish those
goals, but soon expands its aims to become a revolution to overthrow a
system based on inequality.
The opposite of Cuba, no.
The dictatorship was overthrown and Castro replaced the Batista dictatorship
with its won with your Stalinist communist friends (ex allies of Batista) as
main "partners in crime".
See: http://www.cubaverdad.net/revolution.htm
and: http://www.cubaverdad.net/stalinist_system.htm
where the combination of a true Trotskyite view and links to current reality
in Cuba clearly show that Cuba is a Stalinist country.
Post by Barry Schier
(5) Thus, almost all of the original members representing the privileged
class in the cabinet established after the revolution
triumphed quickly resigned and fled to Florida after they discovered that
the Cuban Revolution and its leadetrship
You mean Castro and the communists seized power and started their
repression.
Lots of revolutionaries and peasants took up arms again in the "Escambray
reballion", no.
Castro needed lots of Russian aid to stop that.
Post by Barry Schier
(6) Yes (concerning the citation below), most of the leaders of the
Cuban Revolution had no intentions of starting a socialist revolution.
As events and the class conflict heats up and the country becomes more
polarized,
You mean as Castro went for absolutoe power eliminating all up to his
closest "commandantes" satring with the lower ranks over Matos, Camilo and
ending with Che.
Post by Barry Schier
(7) Concerning the citations below, as a Trotskyist,
You are no "Trot" Barry.
You are a Stalinist.
You support Castro's Stalinist system, not a true socialist state.
http://www.cubaverdad.net/stalinist_system.htm
where the combination of a true Trotskyite view and links to current reality
in Cuba clearly show that Cuba is a Stalinist country.

You are a Stalinist fraud Barry.

Againt the facts:
The revolution was NOT communist.
Even Che said so. (below a quote form the International Socialist Review)
In the first year of the revolution, Guevara explicitly denied its class
character:

"The Cuban revolution is not a class revolution, but a liberation movement
that has overthrown a dictatorial, tyrannical government."12

12 Che Guevara Speaks: Selected Speeches and Writings, G. Lavan ed. (New
York: Pathfinder, 1967), p. 13.

See: http://www.isreview.org/issues/11/cuba_crisis.shtml


On Batista and the communists (from an anarchist website):
Where were the communists during the Cuban revolution? If we believe Fidel
Castro not on the side of the revolution:

In the course of the guerrilla struggle in the Sierra Maestra mountains, he
(Castro) delivered another speech which, once again, stresses his distance
from the Communists:

"What right does Senor Batista have to speak of Communism? After all, in the
elections of 1940 he was the candidate of the Communist Party ... his
portrait hung next to Blas Roca's and Lazaro Pena's; and half a dozen
ministers and confidants of his are leading members of the CP."
H.M. Enzenburger, Raids and Reconstructions, London, 1976, p.200.

See: http://www.marxisme.dk/arkiv/binns/80-cucas.htm

A version of the facts confirmed in this (Marxist) source:


In November 1940, the communists supported Batista's candidates in the
elections to the Constituent Assembly. In return for their support, Batista
allowed the communists to organize and control the government sponsored
union, Cuban Confederation of Labor (CTC Confederacion de Trabajadores de
Cuba) The first Secretary General of the CTC was Lazaro Pena--who,
ironically, enough, held the same post in the Castro regime. In exchange for
these favors the communists guaranteed Batista labor peace.

(also see the video: Cuba Memoria Sindical) In line with the Communist
Party's "Popular Front Against Fascism" policy, the alliance of the
Communist Party with the Batista was officially consumated when the Party
joined the Batista government. The Communist Party leaders Carlos Rafael
Rodriguez and Juan Marinello (who now hold high posts in the Castro
government) became Ministers Without Portfolio in Batista's Cabinet. To
illustrate the intimate connections between the communists and Batista, we
quote from a letter of Batista to Blas Roca, Secretary of the Communist
Party:

June 13,1944
Dear Blas,
With respect to your letter which our mutual friend, Dr. Carlos Rafael
Rodriguez, Minister Without Portfolio, passed to me, I am happy to again
express my firm unshakeable confidence in the loyal cooperation the People's
Socialist Party [the then official name of the Communist Party of Cuba] its
leaders and members have given and continue to give myself and my
government. . .

Believe me, as always, Your very affectionate and cordial friend,
Fulgencio Batista


In the electoral campaign the Communist candidates won ten seats in the
Cuban parliament and more than a hundred posts in the Municipal councils.

In line with their pro-Batista policy the communists joined Batista in
condemning Fidel Castro's attack on the Moncada Barracks (July 1953 -- the
anniversary of the attack is a national holiday in Castro Cuba)
. . . the life of the People's Socialist Party (communist). . . has been to
combat . . . and unmask the putschists and adventurous activities of the
bourgeois opposition as being against the interests of the people. . .
(reported in Daily Worker, U.S organ of the Communist Party, August 10,
1953)
Throughout the Batista period the communists pursued two parallel policies:
overtly they criticized Batista and covertly they cooperated with him.

http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bright/dolgoff/cubanrevolution/chapter6.html

Also: see the video: Cuba Memoria Sindical
http://www.cubaverdad.net/cuba_trade_union_history.htm

216 DOCUMENTED VICTIMS OF CHÉ GUEVARA IN CUBA: 1957 TO 1959

CUBA ARCHIVE
From Armando M. Lago, Ph.D.Žs
Cuba: The Human Cost of
Social Revolution
Manuscript Pending Publication

The exact number of Che's victims in Cuba is unknown. Guevara is said to
have acknowledged ordering many executions -all carried out without
affording the victims due process of law. Combat deaths caused by Che
in Cuba or other countries where he led guerrilla operations have yet to
be tallied.

The following list is not exhaustive and includes only cases for which
historic reference is known -those he personally executed as well as
those killed under his orders. Names are cited as reported. Additional
details, including bibliographic information, are available for most cases.

Executed by Che in the Sierra Maestra during the anti-Batista guerrilla
struggle (1957-1958)
1. ARISTIDIO - 10-57
2. MANUEL CAPITÁN - 1957
3. JUAN CHANG - 9-57
4. "BISCO" ECHEVARRÍA MARTÍNEZ - 8-57
5. EUTIMIO GUERRA - 2-18-57
6. DIONISIO LEBRIGIO - 9-57
7. JUAN LEBRIGIO - 9-57
8. "EL NEGRO" NÁPOLES - 2-18-57
9. "CHICHO" OSORIO - 1-17-57
10. UNIDENTIFIED TEACHER ("EL MAESTRO") - 9-57
11-12. 2 BROTHERS, SPIES FROM THE MASFERRER GROUP - 9-57
13-14. 2 UNIDENTIFIED PEASANTS - 4-57

Executed or sent for execution by Che during his brief command in Santa
Clara (Jan. 1-3, 1959)
1. RAMÓN ALBA - 1-3-59**
2. JOSÉ BARROSO- 1-59
3. JOAQUÍN CASILLAS LUMPUY - 1-2-59**
4. FÉLIX CRUZ - 1-1-59
5. ALEJANDRO GARCÍA ALAYÓN - 1-31-59**
6. HÉCTOR MIRABAL - 1-59
7. J. MIRABAL- 1-59
8. FÉLIX MONTANO - 1-59
9. CORNELIO ROJAS - 1-7-59**
10. VILALLA - 1-59
11. DOMINGO ÁLVAREZ MARTÍNEZ - 1-4-59**
12. CANO DEL PRIETO - 1-7-59**
13. JOSE FERNÁNDEZ MARTÍNEZ-1-2-59
14. JOSÉ GRIZEL SEGURA - 1-7-59** ( Manacas)
15. ARTURO PÉREZ PÉREZ - 1-24-59**
16. RICARDO RODRÍGUEZ PÉREZ - 1-11-59**
17. FRANCISCO ROSELL - 1-11-59
18. IGNACIO ROSELL LEYVA - 1-11-59
19. ANTONIO RUÍZ BELTRÁN -1-11-59
20. RAMÓN SANTOS GARCÍA - 1-12-59
21. PEDRO SOCARRÁS - 1-12-59**
22. MANUEL VALDÉS - 1-59
23. TACE JOSÉ VELÁZQUEZ - 12-59**
**Che signed the death penalty before leaving Santa Clara.

Executions documented for La Cabaña Fortress prison during Che's command
(January 3 to November 26, 1959)
1. VILAU ABREU - 7-3-59
2. HUMBERTO AGUIAR - 1959
3. GERMÁN AGUIRRE - 1959
4. PELAYO ALAYÓN - 2-59
5. JOSÉ LUIS ALFARO SIERRA - 7-1-59
6. PEDRO ALFARO - 7-25-59
7. MARIANO ALONSO - 7-1-59
8. JOSÉ ALVARO - 3-1-59
9. ALVARO ANGUIERA SUÁREZ - 1-4-59
10. ANIELLA - 1959
11. MARIO ARES POLO - 1-2-59
12. JOSÉ RAMÓN BACALLAO - 12-23-59**
13. SEVERINO BARRIOS - 12-9-59**
14. EUGENIO BÉCQUER - 9-29-59
15. FRANCISCO BÉCQUER - 7-2-59
16. RAMÓN BISCET - 7-5-59
17. ROBERTO CALZADILLA - 1959
18. EUFEMIO CANO - 4-59
19. JUAN CAPOTE FIALLO - 5-1-59
20. ANTONIO CARRALERO - 2-4-59
21. GERTRUDIS CASTELLANOS - 5-7-59
22. JOSÉ CASTAÑO QUEVEDO - 3-6-59
23. RAÚL CASTAÑO - 5-30-59
24. EUFEMIO CHALA - 12-16-59**
25. JOSÉ CHAMACE - 10-15-59
26. JOSÉ CHAMIZO - 3-59
27. RAÚL CLAUSELL - 1-28-59
28. ÁNGEL CLAUSELL - 1-18-59
29. DEMETRIO CLAUSELL - 1-2-59
30. JOSÉ CLAUSELL - 1-29-59
31. ELOY CONTRERAS 1-18-59
32. ALBERTO CORBO - 12-7-59**
33. EMILIO CRUZ PEREZ - 12-7-59**
34. ORESTES CRUZ - 1959
35. ADALBERTO CUEVAS - 7-2-59**
36. CUNI - 1959
37. ANTONIO DE BECHE - 1-5-59
38. MATEO DELGADO - 12-4-59
39. ARMANDO DELGADO - 1-29-59
40. RAMÓN DESPAIGNE - 1959
41. JOSÉ DÍAZ CABEZAS - 7-30-59
42. FIDEL DÍAZ MARQUINA - 4-9-59
43. ANTONIO DUARTE - 7-2-59
44. RAMÓN FERNÁNDEZ OJEDA - 5-29-59
45. RUDY FERNÁNDEZ - 7-30-59
46. FERRÁN ALFONSO - 1-12-59
47. SALVADOR FERRERO - 6-29-59
48. VICTOR FIGUEREDO - 1-59
49. EDUARDO FORTE - 3-20-59
50. UGARDE GALÁN - 1959
51. RAFAEL GARCÍA MUÑIZ - 1-20-59
52. ADALBERTO GARCÍA - 6-6-59
53. ALBERTO GARCÍA - 6-6-59
54. JACINTO GARCÍA - 9-8-59
55. EVELIO GASPAR - 12-4-59**
56. ARMADA GIL Y DIEZ CABEZAS - 12-4-59**
57. JOSÉ GONZÁLEZ MALAGÓN - 7-2-59
58. EVARISTO BENERIO GONZÁLEZ - 11-14-59
59. EZEQUIEL GONZÁLEZ - 1-59
60. SECUNDINO GONZÁLEZ - 1959
61. RICARDO LUIS GRAO - 2-3-59
62. RICARDO JOSÉ GRAU - -7-59
63. OSCAR GUERRA - 3-9-59
64. JULIÁN HERNÁNDEZ - 2-9-59
65. FRANCISCO HERNÁNDEZ LEYVA - 4-15-59
66. ANTONIO HERNÁNDEZ - 2-14-59
67. GERARDO HERNÁNDEZ - 7-26-59
68. OLEGARIO HERNÁNDEZ - 4-23-59
69. SECUNDINO HERNÁNDEZ - 1-59
70. RODOLFO HERNÁNDEZ FALCÓN - 1.9.59
71. RAÚL HERRERA - 2-18-59
72. JESÚS INSUA - 7-30-59
73. ENRIQUE IZQUIERDO- 7-3-59
74. SILVINO JUNCO - 11-15-59
75. ENRIQUE LA ROSA - 1959
76. BONIFACIO LASAPARLA - 1959
77. JESÚS LAZO OTAÑO - 1959
78. ARIEL LIMA LAGO - 8-1-59 ( Minor)
79. RENE LÓPEZ VIDAL - 7-3-59
80. ARMANDO MAS - 2-17-59
81. ONERLIO MATA - 1-30-59
82. EVELIO MATA RODRIGUEZ - 2-8-59
83. ELPIDIO MEDEROS - 1-9-59
84. JOSÉ MEDINA - 5-17-59
85. JOSÉ MESA - 7-23-59
86. FIDEL MESQUÍA DIAZ - 7-11-59
87. JUAN MANUEL MILIÁN - 1959
88. JOSÉ MILIAN PÉREZ - 4-3-59
89. FRANCISCO MIRABAL - 5-29-59
90. LUIS MIRABAL - 1959
91. ERNESTO MORALES - 1959
92. PEDRO MOREJÓN - 3-59
93. DR. CARLOS MUIÑO, M.D. - 1959
94. CÉSAR NECOLARDES ROJAS - 1-7-59
95. VICTOR NECOLARDES ROJAS - 1-7-59
96. JOSÉ NUÑEZ - 3-59
97. VITERBO O'REILLY - 2-27-59
98. FÉLIX OVIEDO - 7-21-59
99. MANUEL PANEQUE - 8-16-59
100. PEDRO PEDROSO - 12-1-59**
101. DIEGO PÉREZ CUESTA - 1959
102. JUAN PÉREZ HERNANDEZ-5-29-59
103. DIEGO PÉREZ CRELA - 04-03-59
104. JOSÉ POZO - 1959
105. EMILIO PUEBLA - 4-30-59
106. ALFREDO PUPO - 5-29-59
107. SECUNDINO RAMÍREZ - 4-2-59
108. RAMÓN RAMOS - 4-23-59
109. PABLO RAVELO JR. 9-15-59
110. RUBÉN REY ALBEROLA- 2-27-59
111. MARIO RISQUELME - 1-29-59
112. FERNANDO RIVERA - 10-8-59
113. PABLO RIVERO - 5-59
114. MANUEL RODRÍGUEZ - 3-1-59
115. MARCOS RODRÍGUEZ - 7-31-59
116. NEMESIO RODRÍGUEZ - 7-30-59
117. PABLO RODRÍGUEZ - 10-1-59
118. RICARDO RODRÍGUEZ - 5-29-59
119. OLEGARIO RODRÍGUEZ FERNÁNDEZ - 4.23.59
120. JOSÉ SALDARA - 11-9-59
121. PEDRO SANTANA - 2-59
122. SERGIO SIERRA - 1-9-59
123. JUAN SILVA - 8-59
124. FAUSTO SILVA - 1-29-59
125. ELPIDIO SOLER - 11-8-59
126. JESÚS SOSA BLANCO - 2-8-59
127. RENATO SOSA - 6-28-59
128. SERGIO SOSA - 8-20-59
129. PEDRO SOTO - 3-20-59
130. OSCAR SUÁREZ - 4-30-59
131. RAFAEL TARRAGO - 2-18-59
132. TEODORO TELLEZ CISNEROS - 1-3-59
133. FRANCISCO TELLEZ - 1-3-59
134. JOSÉ TIN - 1-12-59
135. FRANCISCO TRAVIESO - 1959
136. LEONARDO TRUJILLO - 2-27-59
137. TRUJILLO - 1959
138. LUPE VALDÉS BARBOSA - 3-22-59
139. MARCELINO VALDÉS - 7-21-59
140. ANTONIO VALENTÍN - 3-22-59
141. MANUEL VÁZQUEZ - 3-22-59
142. SERGIO VÁZQUEZ - 5-29-59
143. VERDECIA - 1959
144. DÁMASO ZAYAS - 7-23-59
145. JOSÉ ALVARADO - 4-22-59
146. LEONARDO BARÓ - 1-12-59
147. RAÚL CONCEPCIÓN LIMA - 1959
148. ElADIO CARO - 1-4-59
149. CARPINTOR - 1959
150. CARLOS CORVO MARTÍNEZ - 1959
151. JUAN GUILLERMO COSSÍO - 1959
152. CORPORAL ORTEGA - 7-11-59
153. JUAN MANUEL PRIETO - 1959
154. ANTONIO VALDÉS MENA - 5-11-59
155. ESTEBAN LASTRA - 1-59
156. JUAN FELIPE CRUZ SERAFIN - 6-59**
157. BONIFACIO GRASSO - 7-59
158. FELICIANO ALMENARES - 12-8-59
159. ANTONIO BLANCO NAVARRO - 12-10-59**
160. ALBERTO CAROLA - 6-5-59
161. EVARISTO GUERRA - 2-8-59
162. CRISTÓBAL MARTÍNEZ - 1-16-59
163. PEDRO RODRÍGUEZ - 1-10-59
164. FRANCISCO TRUJILLO - 2-18-59

**The death sentence was signed by Che, but the execution was carried
out after he left his command.

15 additional executions were reported by The New York Times, but names
are unknown.

Information provided by
CUBA ARCHIVE, an initiative of the
FREE SOCIETY PROJECT, INC.
www.CubaArchive.org

http://www.miscelaneasdecuba.net/web/article.asp?artID=5649

On the revolution and the communists:

The Cuban Revolution
A Critical Perspective
by Sam Dolgoff



The Character of the Cuban Revolution

A Non-Social Revolution

The myth, induced by the revolutionary euphoria of the pro-Castro left, that
a genuine social-revolution took place in Cuba, is based on a number of
major fallacies. Among them is the idea that a social revolution can take
place in a small semi-developed island, a country with a population of about
eight million, totally dependent for the uninterrupted flow of vital
supplies upon either of the great super-powers, Russia or the U.S. They
assume falsely that these voracious powers will not take advantage of Cuba's
situation to promote their own selfish interests. There can be no more
convincing evidence of this tragic impossibility than Castro's sycophantic
attitude toward his benefactor, the Soviet Union, going so far as to applaud
Russia's invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, a crime certainly on a par with
the military coup in Chile, which Castro rightfully condemned. To assume,
furthermore, that the Cuban social revolution can be miraculously achieved
without simultaneous uprisings in Latin America and elsewhere, is both naive
and irresponsible.

Nationalization Versus Socialism

To equate nationalization of the economy and social services instituted from
above by the decree "revolutionary government" or a caudillo, with true
socialism is a dangerous illusion. Nationalization and similar measures,
under the name of "welfareism," are common. They are widespread, and in many
cases deep-going programs, instituted by democratic "welfare" states or
"benevolent" dictators as an antidote to revolution, and are by no means
equtvalent to socialism.

Russia and Cuba: Two Revolutions Compared

Another fallacy about the nature of the Cuban Revolution can perhaps be best
illustrated by contrasting the early stages of the Russian Revolution of
1917 with the Cuban events. Analogies between the Russian and Cuban
Revolutions--like analogies in general--fail to take into account certain
important differences:

Czarism was OVERTHROWN by the spontaneous revolts of the peasant and
proletarian masses only after a prolonged and bloody civil war.

In Cuba, the Batista regime COLLAPSED WITHOUT A STRUGGLE for lack of popular
support. There were no peasant revolts. No general strikes. Theodor Draper
(and many other observers) argues persuasively that since there were at
least "500,000 agricultural workers in Cuba" there could not have been many
peasants in a

. . . guerrilla force that never amounted to more than a thousand. . . there
was nothing comparable in Cuba to the classic peasant revolution led by
Zapata in Mexico in 1910. . . there was no national peasant uprising.
Outside the immediate vicinity of the guerrilla forces, revolutionary
activity, in the country as a whole, was largely a middle class phenomenon,
with some working class support, but without working class
organizations...(Castroism: Theory and Practice; New York, 1965, p. 74-75)
[This takes on added significance when we consider that the unions comprised
ONE MILLION out of a total population of about six million when the
Revolution began, Jan. 1, 1959.]

In Russia, the masses made the social revolution BEFORE the establishment of
the Bolshevik government. Lenin climbed to power by voicing the demands of,
and legalizing the social revolutionary DEEDS of the workers and peasants:
"All Power to the Soviets," "The Land to the Peasants," "The Factories to
the Workers," etc. In Cuba, Castro, for fear of losing popular support,
carefully avoided a social-revolutionary platform--assuming that he had one.
Unlike Lenin, he came to power because he promised to put into effect the
bourgeois-democratic program.

History is full of unexpected twists and turns. Ironically enough, these two
different revolutions had similar results: Both Lenin and Castro betrayed
their respective revolutions, instituted totalitarian regimes and ruled by
decree from above.

The well-known anarcho-syndicalist writer and activist, Augustin Souchy,
makes a cogent comparison between the Spanish Revolution (1936-1939) and the
Cuban Revolution (both of which he personally witnessed):

. . . while in Spain, the confiscation of the land and the organization of
the collectives was initiated and carried through, by the peasants
themselves; in Cuba, social-economic transformation was initiated, not by
the people, but by Castro and his comrades-in-arms. It is this distinction
that accounts for the different development of the two revolutions; Spain,
mass revolution from the bottom up; Cuba, revolution from the top down by
decree . . . (see Cuba. An Eyewitness Report, below)

Which brings to mind the celebrated phrase of the "Apostle" of Cuban
independence Jose Marti: "To Change the Master Is Not To Be Free."

Revolution the Latin American Way

The Cuban Revolution draws its specific character from a variety of sources.
While not a Latin American "palace revolution" which produced no deep seated
social changes, it nevertheless relates to the tradition of miltarism and
bogus paternalism of Latin American "Caudillismo," the "Man on Horseback."
"Caudillismo"--"right" or "left," "revolutionary" or "reactionary"--is a
chronic affliction in Latin America since the wars for independence
initiated by Simon Bolivar in 1810. The "revolutionary caudillo" Juan Peron
of Argentina, catapulted to power by "leftist" army officers, was deposed by
"rightist" military officers. Maurice Halperin calls attention to the ". . .
expropriation of vast properties in Peru in 1968 and in Bolivia in 1969 by
the very generals who had destroyed Cuban supported guerrilla uprisings in
their respective countries. . . " (The Rise and Fall of Fidel Castro;
University of California, 1972, p. 118)

The militarization of Cuban society by a revolutionary dictatorship headed
by the "Caudillo" of the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro follows, in general,
the Latin American pattern. Like other revolutionary Latin American
"Caudillos, " Castro would come to power only on the basis of programs
designed to win the indispensable support of the masses. Edwin Lieuwen
marshalls impressive evidence:

. . . In Chile in 1924, Major Carlos Ibanez established a military
dictatorship [that] was notably successful in combining authoritarian rule
with policies aimed at meeting popular demands for greater social justice.
Successful but short lived revolutions took place during 1936 under the
leadership of radical young officers inspired by ideas of social reform and
authoritarian nationalism. . In Bolivia a clique of radical young officers
came to power. Major David Toro and Colonel German Busch successfully headed
regimes that had social revolution as their goals. . . they catered to

the downtrodden and pledged to build a new nation. Toro and Busch based
their dictatorial regimes on attempts to win mass support ... (Arms and
Politics in Latin America; New York, 1961, pgs. 60, 62, 78, 79)

When in 1968, a "revolutionary" military Junta seized power in Peru, the new
military government proclaimed the fundamental principle underlying all
"radical" military regimes":

. . . the final aim of the State, being the welfare of the nation; and the
armed forces being the instrument which the State uses to impose its
policies, therefore, . . . in order to arrive at collective prosperity, the
armed forces have the mission to watch over the social welfare, the final
aim of the State... (quoted, Modes of Political Change in Latin America, ed.
Paul Sigmund, New York, 1970, p. 201)

Dr. Carlos Delgado, Director of the Information Bureau of the Revolutionary
Government of Peru, after stressing that the revolution was " . . .
initiated from above" by decree, boasted that the dictatorship in "...the
last four and a half years" accomplished more for the betterment of the
people than in the "whole epoch of Republican rule." The revolution was
hailed, boasted Delgado, even by the French Marxist thinker, Henri Lefebvre,
as one of the most important historical events of the contemporary world..."
(see Reconstruir, anarchist bi-monthly, Buenos Aires, Nov.-Dec. 1974)

There is an umbilical connection between militarism and the State, fully
compatible with, and indispensable to, all varieties of State
"socialism"--or more accurately State Capitalism. George Pendle (and other
observers) with respect to Peron's social and welfare programs initiated to
woo mass support concludes that:

...Peron's National Institute of Social Security...converted Argentina to
one of the most advanced countries in South America. . . it was not
surprising that the majority of workers preferred Peron to their traditional
leaders...they felt that Peron accomplished more for them in a few years
than the Socialist Party achieved in decades...(Argentina; Oxford University
Press, London, 1965, pas. 97, 99)

. . . In Havana Premier Fidel Castro proclaimed three days of mourning and
Cuban officials termed Peron's death a blow to all Latin America. . .(New
York Times, July 2, 1974) This cynical proclamation was not made solely for
tactical reasons, but in recognition of the affinity between the Castro and
Peron regimes. As early as 1961, there were already informal contacts
between Che Guevara and Angel Borlenghi "... a number two man in Peron's
government and his Minister of the Interior for eight years ... Che told
Borlenghi that there's no question about it that Peron was the most advanced
embodiment of political and economic reform in Argentina ... and under Che's
guidance a rapport was established between the Cuban Revolution and the
Peronist movement ... Che has in his possession a letter from Peron
expressing admiration for Castro and the Cuban Revolution and Che had raised
the question of inviting Peron to settle in Havana . . . " (quoted by
Halperin, from Ricardo Rojo's work, My Friend Che; ibid. p. 329-330)

Herbert Matthews supplements Rojo's revelations:...the Argentine journalist
Jorge Massetti who went into the Sierra Maestra in 1958, became friends with
Guevara. He was trained for guerrilla warfare in the Sierra Maestra and in
1964 was killed in a guerrilla raid in Argentina . . . Massetti was credited
with convincing Guevara that Peronism approximated his own ideas. Hilda
Gadea--Guevara's first wife--wrote that for Ernesto Guevara, the fall of
Peron Sept. 1955 was a heavy blow. Che and Massetti blamed it,...'on North
American Imperialists'...(ibid. p. 258)

[Carmelo Mesa-Lago notes the connection between State Socialism and
militarism. Castro enthusiastically hailed] " . . . the Peruvian Social
Revolution as a progressive military group playing a revolutionary role. .
." (Cuba in the 1970s: University of New Mexico Press, 1975, p. 11]) In an
interview, Castro emphatically maintained that social revolution is
compatible with military dictatorship, not only in Peru, but also in
Portugal and Panama.

[When the military junta in Peru] took power...the first thing they did was
to implement agrarian reform which was MUCH MORE RADICAL than the agrarian
reform we initiated in Cuba. It put a much lower limit on the size of
properties; organized cooperatives, agricultural communities; . . . they
also pushed in other fields--in the field of education, social development,
industrialization. . . We must also see the example of Portugal where the
military played a decisive role in political change. . .and are on their way
to finding solutions. . . we have Peru and Panama--where the military are
acting as catalysts in favor of the revolution. . . (Castro quoted by Frank
and Kirby Jones, With Fidel; New York, 1975, p. 195-196)

[The evidence sustains Donald Druze's conclusion that] . . . the programs of
modern 'caudillos' embodies so many features of centralism and National
Socialism, that it almost inevitably blends into communism...(Latin America:
An interpretive History; New York, 1972, p. 570)

Militarism flourishes in Cuba as in Latin America. Castro projected
militarism to a degree unequalled by his predecessor, Batista: total
domination of social, economic and political life. In the Spring of 1959, a
few months after the Revolution of January 1st, Castro, who appointed
himself the "Lider Maximo" ("Caudillo") of the Revolution and
Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, promised to cut the size of the army
in half and ultimately to disband and replace it by civilian militias and
police. "The last thing I am," said Castro, "is a military man . . . ours is
a country without generals and colonels. . . "

Within a year after the disintegration of the Batista Army, Castro turned
Cuba into a thoroughly militarized state, with the most formidable armed
force of any in Latin America. For the first time in Cuban history,
compulsory military service was instituted. Now, Cuba has adopted the
traditional hierarchical ranking system of conventional armies. The Cuban
army differs in no essential respect from the armies of both "capitalist"
and "socialist" imperialist powers.

"Communism" a la Castro

Insofar as relations with the communists are concerned, Theodore Draper
notes the striking resemblance between the policies of Batista and Castro:

. . . Batista paid off the communists for their support, by among other
things, permitting them to set up an official trade union federation, the
Confederacion de Trabajadores de Cuba (CTC) with Lazaro Pena as its
Secretary-General. In 1961, Castro paid off the communists for their
support, by, among other things, permitting Lazaro Pena to come back
officially as Secretary General of the CTC...(ibid. p. 204)

If we accept at face value Castro's conversion to "communism," his
"communism" embodies the Latin American version of Stalinism, absolute
personal dictatorship. But "Caudillos" are not primarily ideologues. They
are, above all, political adventurers. In their lust for power, they are not
guided by ethical considerations, as they claim. In this respect, there is
no essential difference between capitalist states and "revolutionary
socialist states." All dictators conceal their true visage behind the facade
of a political party, paying lip service to goals supposedly popular with
the masses. Castro became a "communist" because he considered that his
survival in power depended on cementing cordial relations with his saviors,
the "socialist" countries (former enemies) and by extension with Batista's
former allies, the domestic "communists." To promote his ends, Castro
established relations with Franco Spain and the Vatican. Nor did he hesitate
to side with the Arab oil magnates--lords over their impoverished
subjects--in the mid-east disputes, or to endorse the Russian invasion of
Czecho-Slovakia.

The Real Revolution Is Yet To Come

Albert Camus observed:

. . . the major event of the twentieth century has been the abandonment of
the values of liberty on the part of the revolutionary movement, the
weakening of Libertarian Socialism, vis-a-vis Caesarist and militaristic
socialism. Since then, a great hope has disappeared from the world, to be
replaced by a deep sense of emptiness in the hearts of all who yearn for
freedom... (Neither victims Nor Executioners)

Whether Castro is working out his own unique brand of "Cuban Socialism" is a
relatively minor question. Even if Castro had no connection with the
communist movement, his mania for personal power would lead inevitably to
the establishment of an "independent" totalitarian regime. What is decisive
is that the Cuban Revolution follows the pattern established in this century
by the aborted Russian Revolution of 1917. This pattern is the
counter-revolution of the State.



See:
http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bright/dolgoff/cubanrevolution/chapter3.html

PL
Barry Schier
2006-06-18 18:15:26 UTC
Permalink
Post by PL
Text: http://ernesto-el-che-guevara.piranho.de/index.html
Video: http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm
Post by Barry Schier
Post by PL
Do you deny that Che killed hundreds of people lots in execution?
(1) I assume that when PL asked me, "Do you deny that Che killed
hundreds of people lots in execution?" his intention wasn't to be
"short" on grammar and comprehensibilty, but to be "long" and loud in
rhetorical intent.
"i've already stated that, as a Marxist, I bwelieve that which languages
and the extent to which they are taught is a reflection of
socioeconomic interests."
and this in this same post
"instead of actually pulling the trigger in almost all cases, not don't deny
that Che had responsibility "
That, by the way Barry is a "double negative". A "Freudian slip" maybe? Must
have been hard for you to have to admit that Che is a killer.
Thanks for pointing my typographical error. Let me try typing more
carefully:

"Admit" implies that one acknowledges facts whose truth one had
previously tried to avoid or deny. Quite the contrary, I consider Che
Guevara an "heroic guerrilla", i.e., one who risked his life and
ultimately died in a just and armed struggle. Thanks for the quite
shocking revelation that using arms, placing an enemy as a "target" in
one's gunsight, and then pulling the trigger kills the people whom one
shoots at if one has aimed well. I have no diseagreements concderning
the "targets" chosen, as none met an unearned fate.

Che took full organizational responsiblity for the public trials
of several hundred of the most brutal henchmeen of the dictatorship of
ousted Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista, most of whom were found guilty
and received their deserved fate of execution.

From the message posting by Mike which is reproduction by Mike of
Bruce Bartlett's combination of ad hiominem and political attack on
the late New York Tkimes reporter Herbert Matthrews was a excerpt that
acknowledged that whatever Fideo Castro did, he was doing in his
capacity of a leader of a popular revolution. "To criticize him
[Castro], Matthews said, one must criticize all Cubans, 'as there are
very few Cubans indeed who
would disapprove of the executions that have been and are taking
place."
"The mass murders [sic] were justified, Matthews said, because Cuba
had
just 'lived through the most brutal reign of terror in recent
history.'"
One of the ABC's of history is that, especially during a
revolution, thare is a great polarization between the provileged and
elite few and workers, farmers, and their allies and that with a large
number of owners, bosses, landlords, police, and those who had their
fingers in the till under the endemiic corruption during that
U.S.-backed regime, as well as would-be aspirants to privilege there
were NOT "very few Cubans indeed" who opposed the changes which the
Cuban Revolution brought about Most of those sooner or later (and lly
sooner than later) took the first available means of transport to
"flee" to Miami, etc., where they advocate, if not also plan and plot
with Washington's aid, means of trying to set the clock back to Cuba's
pre-revoilutionary days. And since the corruption under the Batista
regime was so deep that paying bribes was necessary for almost all to
do business or otherwise go about their daily lives, the idelogues for
privilege add as a footnote / grudging concession: "Batista was a bad
guy ...".

--- Barry Schier
Post by PL
I can imagine you agony.
More Freudian slips her, hypocrite Barry? (also from this message)
"starts as a "democratic revolution" (i.e., for overthrow of a dictatorship,
end of
theocratic practices and rule, independence) does not STOP"
{emphaiss now added]
I think people "believe" you are a frustrated propagandist that uses even a
typo or a grammar error to attack people.
Thanks for showing your character again comrade Barry.
"Comrade" was the only ad hominem issult deserving response; "Comrade"
implies companion in a battle, whether idelogical or armed conflict.
Various thsuaurus synonyns for "opponent"`apply.
Post by PL
Post by Barry Schier
Although Che Guevara played a leadership / directing role instead of
actually pulling the trigger in almost all
cases, not don't deny that Che had responsibility for the death
sentences meted out as a result of the trials that were held not long
after the triumph of the Cuban revolution,
(Remainder of message and my response moved to a future message)

-- Barry Schier
T.Schmidt
2006-06-18 18:34:05 UTC
Permalink
People have forgotten that the first Cubans to arrive after Castro's victory
were criminals together with the Mafia. The Cuban exile community was
started by criminals, that is why terrorism is so natural to them. Many of
them have died of old age, but the children are as bad or worse than their
parents. It also explains the corruption in Miami and the origin of the
wealth of Cubans.

T.Schmidt
-------------------------------------------------
Post by Barry Schier
Post by PL
Text: http://ernesto-el-che-guevara.piranho.de/index.html
Video: http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm
Post by Barry Schier
Post by PL
Do you deny that Che killed hundreds of people lots in execution?
(1) I assume that when PL asked me, "Do you deny that Che killed
hundreds of people lots in execution?" his intention wasn't to be
"short" on grammar and comprehensibilty, but to be "long" and loud in
rhetorical intent.
"i've already stated that, as a Marxist, I bwelieve that which languages
and the extent to which they are taught is a reflection of
socioeconomic interests."
and this in this same post
"instead of actually pulling the trigger in almost all cases, not don't deny
that Che had responsibility "
That, by the way Barry is a "double negative". A "Freudian slip" maybe? Must
have been hard for you to have to admit that Che is a killer.
Thanks for pointing my typographical error. Let me try typing more
"Admit" implies that one acknowledges facts whose truth one had
previously tried to avoid or deny. Quite the contrary, I consider Che
Guevara an "heroic guerrilla", i.e., one who risked his life and
ultimately died in a just and armed struggle. Thanks for the quite
shocking revelation that using arms, placing an enemy as a "target" in
one's gunsight, and then pulling the trigger kills the people whom one
shoots at if one has aimed well. I have no diseagreements concderning
the "targets" chosen, as none met an unearned fate.
Che took full organizational responsiblity for the public trials
of several hundred of the most brutal henchmeen of the dictatorship of
ousted Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista, most of whom were found guilty
and received their deserved fate of execution.
From the message posting by Mike which is reproduction by Mike of
Bruce Bartlett's combination of ad hiominem and political attack on
the late New York Tkimes reporter Herbert Matthrews was a excerpt that
acknowledged that whatever Fideo Castro did, he was doing in his
capacity of a leader of a popular revolution. "To criticize him
[Castro], Matthews said, one must criticize all Cubans, 'as there are
very few Cubans indeed who
would disapprove of the executions that have been and are taking
place."
"The mass murders [sic] were justified, Matthews said, because Cuba
had
just 'lived through the most brutal reign of terror in recent
history.'"
One of the ABC's of history is that, especially during a
revolution, thare is a great polarization between the provileged and
elite few and workers, farmers, and their allies and that with a large
number of owners, bosses, landlords, police, and those who had their
fingers in the till under the endemiic corruption during that
U.S.-backed regime, as well as would-be aspirants to privilege there
were NOT "very few Cubans indeed" who opposed the changes which the
Cuban Revolution brought about Most of those sooner or later (and lly
sooner than later) took the first available means of transport to
"flee" to Miami, etc., where they advocate, if not also plan and plot
with Washington's aid, means of trying to set the clock back to Cuba's
pre-revoilutionary days. And since the corruption under the Batista
regime was so deep that paying bribes was necessary for almost all to
do business or otherwise go about their daily lives, the idelogues for
privilege add as a footnote / grudging concession: "Batista was a bad
guy ...".
--- Barry Schier
Post by PL
I can imagine you agony.
More Freudian slips her, hypocrite Barry? (also from this message)
"starts as a "democratic revolution" (i.e., for overthrow of a dictatorship,
end of
theocratic practices and rule, independence) does not STOP"
{emphaiss now added]
I think people "believe" you are a frustrated propagandist that uses even a
typo or a grammar error to attack people.
Thanks for showing your character again comrade Barry.
"Comrade" was the only ad hominem issult deserving response; "Comrade"
implies companion in a battle, whether idelogical or armed conflict.
Various thsuaurus synonyns for "opponent"`apply.
Post by PL
Post by Barry Schier
Although Che Guevara played a leadership / directing role instead of
actually pulling the trigger in almost all
cases, not don't deny that Che had responsibility for the death
sentences meted out as a result of the trials that were held not long
after the triumph of the Cuban revolution,
(Remainder of message and my response moved to a future message)
-- Barry Schier
PL
2006-06-18 19:28:39 UTC
Permalink
"T.Schmidt" <***@sprint.ca> wrote in message news:e7468f$6us$***@news.ndhu.edu.tw...
(snip)
Post by T.Schmidt
It also explains the corruption in Miami and the origin of the
wealth of Cubans.
recent news on corruption in Cuba:
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/corruption.php

PL
Barry Schier
2006-06-18 21:50:14 UTC
Permalink
Post by PL
(snip)
Post by T.Schmidt
It also explains the corruption in Miami and the origin of the
wealth of Cubans.
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/corruption.php
PL
PL refers Web site


Although the tour of the Cuba youth leaders occurred more than 10 years
ago, the questions and their respnses are as timely as if they were
from 10 minutes ago, in particular : "I would be lying if I said there
is no bureaucratism in Cuba. Especially some of the ways that were
brought from the former Soviet Union, ... Sometimes people who study a
specialty in the Soviet Union copy the ways of behaving and bring them
to Cuba. Sometimes we have people even in the Communist Party who don't
act the way they should given their positions. Also in the joint
ventures it is possible that some opportunist-minded people can be
bought. It is better to discuss these problems and recognize them and
deal with them, otherwise the revolution will suffer."

Marxists are "materialists", i.e., they believe that objective
conditions, and not just people's subjective intentions, form the basis
for history, behaivor, and policies. Leaders, whether leading
organizing drives of workers to unionize (e.g., Cesar Chavez of the
United Farmworkers) or leading revolutions (e.g., consciously make
their roles and what they advocate match the histical tasks that are
the porupose of a movement representing the self-moblization of working
people, poor, mistreated "minority" groups or ethnicities even in the
exceptional cases of expectional leaders raised in environments with
circumstances far better than the rank-and-file of the organization
than they represent and lead. Thus, instead of making a living as a
well-to-do attorney, Nelson Mandela made his lot in life synonymous
with that of an orgnaization representing the overwhelmingly poor South
African Blacks fighting against aparheid. Three of principal leaders
of Cuban Revolution who made their lots in life synonymous with that of
an orgnaization representing the wokring people, peasants, poor, etc.
of Cuba come from reliatively privileged backgrounds: Che Guevara,
from an upper-middle class Argentine family, could have made a
relatively lucrative living as a doctor. The father of Fidel Castro
and Raul Castro was a wealthy landowner with contacts with Cuba's
elites.

Russian revolutionary leader Leon Trostsky explained that whenever
there is severe general scarcity, particularly in a country where
exclusion of the populace from learning skills of literacy and
leadership, etc., there is a tendency of those in chage of such
distribution to will try to make sure that first to receive scarce
goods are themselves, their families, and/or associates and friends --
and those who aspire to governmental posts with such self-gain in mind.
The term for the practices, outlook and ideology of these
petty-bourgeois layers came to rule the Soviet Union, Staliinism, was
derived from the once-revolutionist whio epitomized and led this
tendency, i.e., Joseph Stalin.

What the Cuban leadership has done to (successfully) check the growth
of corruption of bureacuracy is a campagin against corruption,
punishment of those caught with their hands in (or nearing) "the till,
and making the leading organizations composed of as great a percetnage
of workers, etc., possible. The matter of a comparative lack of
programs in Cuba with the equivalent label to "affirmative actiion"
will be influenced by the victories of civil rights movements in the
United States and elsewhere, just as the Gay Rights movement in the
United States and elsewhere resulted in 180^o reversal of official
Cuban poliicies re homosexuals in that country.

-- Barry Schier


{Article}

The Militant Vol.59/No.38 October 16, 1995


`Going Backward Is Not The Answer'

BY JOYCE FAIRCHILD


MANCHESTER, England - "Today we see a tremendous campaign to isolate
Cuba. That's why it's so important for us to get together, especially
for young people, who have a special responsibility to change things."

That's how Cuban student leader Kenia Serrano explained the importance
of her speaking tour to the 26 students at Manchester University who
attended a lunchtime meeting September 28. The event was chaired by
Paul Cammack, a senior lecturer in Latin American Studies. It followed
a successful meeting in Liverpool the previous evening that kicked off
her tour in this region.

In response to questions on the Cuban economy, Serrano explained, "The
1995 budget of parliament has been increased for education, the
environment, health, and social services. The new generation is
considered a priority. These are our priorities while facing economic
hardships; other countries facing this choice have chosen
neoliberalism, which means privatization and human beings turned into a
commodity. We face a very difficult situation, but going back is not
the answer. Each generation has had to face challenges and this is
ours."

That evening Serrano spoke to another 30 students at the Manchester
Metropolitan University. One of the students there asked her about the
significance of the recent Cuba Lives international youth festival,
held in August. "For us the youth festival was a tremendous success,"
Serrano responded. "It was important that youth were able to explain to
Cuban families themselves what it was like in their countries, and for
the Cuban people to explain to the youth the Cuban reality."

Serrano was the main speaker at the Cuba Lives dayschool hosted by the
Sheffield Cuba Solidarity Campaign on September 30. The dayschool was
attended by 55 activists from Sheffield, Manchester, Liverpool, and
Lincoln. One of the participants asked a question about bureaucratism
and corruption in Cuba.

"I would be lying if I said there is no bureaucratism in Cuba.
Especially some of the ways that were brought from the former Soviet
Union," Serrano said. "Sometimes people who study a specialty in the
Soviet Union copy the ways of behaving and bring them to Cuba.
Sometimes we have people even in the Communist Party who don't act the
way they should given their positions. Also in the joint ventures it is
possible that some opportunist-minded people can be bought. It is
better to discuss these problems and recognize them and deal with them,
otherwise the revolution will suffer."

Throughout the day participants entered into lively discussions at
workshops on themes such as Democracy and the Cuban revolution, Cuba's
environmental policy, the Helms- Burton bill and Washington's economic
blockade, Cuba's new economic measures, and challenges facing Cuban
women.

At the end of the day participants discussed building support for the
upcoming Hands off Cuba march and rally in London on October 14, where
Serrano will be speaking. The London demonstration is one of many that
will be taking place all over the world as part of international days
of action in October.

Joyce Fairchild is a member of the Amalgamated Engineering and
Electrical Union in Manchester.
PL
2006-06-18 22:44:25 UTC
Permalink
Post by Barry Schier
Post by PL
(snip)
Post by T.Schmidt
It also explains the corruption in Miami and the origin of the
wealth of Cubans.
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/corruption.php
PL
PL refers Web site
actually a newsfeed from lots of websites
Post by Barry Schier
Although the tour of the Cuba youth leaders occurred more than 10 years
ago, the questions and their respnses are as timely as if they were
from 10 minutes ago, in particular : "I would be lying if I said there
is no bureaucratism in Cuba.
It is after all a Stalinist system.
http://www.cubaverdad.net/stalinist_system.htm

(snip)
Post by Barry Schier
Marxists are "materialists", i.e., they believe that objective
conditions, and not just people's subjective intentions, form the basis
for history,(snip)
so Castro has failed completely as 773,000 people (7% of the population)
needs food aid

(snip)
Post by Barry Schier
What the Cuban leadership has done to (successfully) check the growth
of corruption
Get real Barry.
In Cuba corruption is the "oil and the glue".
Corruption is endemic in Cuba.
http://www.cubaverdad.net/themefeeds/corruption.php
Theft at work is considered a "perk".

See:

"For the present, a great many Cubans have little choice but to resort to
some kind of fiddle in order to get by, working a la izquierda, as it's
known here, or "on the left."

They divert goods from their workplaces for resale on the street, for
example, or use state-owned vehicles for a little undocumented private
enterprise, or target free-spending tourists for incidental bribes.

"In Cuba, everybody is guilty of a crime of some sort," says a Western
official.

"Otherwise, you wouldn't be able to survive. But this permits the
government to maintain a climate of fear."

http://www.thestar.com/NASApp/cs/ContentServer?pagename=thestar/Layout/Article_Type1&c=Article&cid=1148335813728&call_pageid=968332188492&col=968793972154&t=TS_Home

PL
Abe
2006-06-18 19:31:33 UTC
Permalink
Post by T.Schmidt
People have forgotten that the first Cubans to arrive after Castro's victory
were criminals together with the Mafia. The Cuban exile community was
started by criminals, that is why terrorism is so natural to them. Many of
them have died of old age, but the children are as bad or worse than their
parents. It also explains the corruption in Miami and the origin of the
wealth of Cubans.
Das lastima, la envidia te consumira hasta el ultimo dia de tu vida!,
los cubanos son gente de bien y lo mucho que ellos han logrado lo han
hecho con el sudor de su frente y con su immensa inteligencia. Conozco
a muchisimos cubanos y puedo atestiguar que son triunfadores. Miami es
un mejor lugar gracias a ellos. En cambio usted y sus amigos comunistas
no son mas que unos resentidos sociales que odian a todo el que triufa.
Los comunistas son envidiosos, la escoria de la humanidad, y de ellos
tu eres el peor...loser!!!

Abe
T.Schmidt
2006-06-18 20:58:33 UTC
Permalink
No mientes, Uds. son ladrones, estafadores, mafiosos, terroristas, etc.
desde que nacen. Por eso nadie los quiere. Si tuvieran que ganarse la vida
honradamnte se habrían muerto de hambre. Lo que los salva es lo que les
regala el gobierno con los impuestos que nos quita.

T.Schmidt
----------------------------------------------
Post by Abe
Post by T.Schmidt
People have forgotten that the first Cubans to arrive after Castro's victory
were criminals together with the Mafia. The Cuban exile community was
started by criminals, that is why terrorism is so natural to them. Many of
them have died of old age, but the children are as bad or worse than their
parents. It also explains the corruption in Miami and the origin of the
wealth of Cubans.
Das lastima, la envidia te consumira hasta el ultimo dia de tu vida!,
los cubanos son gente de bien y lo mucho que ellos han logrado lo han
hecho con el sudor de su frente y con su immensa inteligencia. Conozco
a muchisimos cubanos y puedo atestiguar que son triunfadores. Miami es
un mejor lugar gracias a ellos. En cambio usted y sus amigos comunistas
no son mas que unos resentidos sociales que odian a todo el que triufa.
Los comunistas son envidiosos, la escoria de la humanidad, y de ellos
tu eres el peor...loser!!!
Abe
Abe
2006-06-18 21:11:14 UTC
Permalink
Post by T.Schmidt
No mientes, Uds. son ladrones, estafadores, mafiosos, terroristas, etc.
desde que nacen.
Obviament estas hablando de tus amigos comunistas.
Post by T.Schmidt
Por eso nadie los quiere.
Que que, que nadie quiere a los cubanos? Los cubanos son la gente mas
querida del planeta, los queremos los venezolanos que vivimos en
florida, y hasta los chaviztas adoran a los cubanos. Las drogan te
estan haciendo mas daño que anter, hablas mierda a mil.
Post by T.Schmidt
Si tuvieran que ganarse la vida
honradamnte se habrían muerto de hambre.
Asno, educate, los cubanos son la imigracion mas exitosa en la historia
de esta gran nacion.
Post by T.Schmidt
Lo que los salva es lo que les
regala el gobierno con los impuestos que nos quita.
Los impuestos que "nos quitan"? Que risa nos das con la mierda que
hablas "Caliche Imbecil © 2006".


Abe
PL
2006-06-18 20:30:40 UTC
Permalink
I said:
Tell us what facts are not correct according to you:
Text: http://ernesto-el-che-guevara.piranho.de/index.html
Video: http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm
Post by Barry Schier
Post by PL
Text: http://ernesto-el-che-guevara.piranho.de/index.html
Video: http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm
Post by Barry Schier
Post by PL
Do you deny that Che killed hundreds of people lots in execution?
(1) I assume that when PL asked me, "Do you deny that Che killed
hundreds of people lots in execution?" his intention wasn't to be
"short" on grammar and comprehensibilty, but to be "long" and loud in
rhetorical intent.
"i've already stated that, as a Marxist, I bwelieve that which languages
and the extent to which they are taught is a reflection of
socioeconomic interests."
and this in this same post
"instead of actually pulling the trigger in almost all cases, not don't deny
that Che had responsibility "
That, by the way Barry is a "double negative". A "Freudian slip" maybe? Must
have been hard for you to have to admit that Che is a killer.
Thanks for pointing my typographical error.
and your spiteful hypocrisy you mean.
Post by Barry Schier
Let me try typing more
"Admit" implies that one acknowledges facts whose truth one had
previously tried to avoid or deny. Quite the contrary, I consider Che
Guevara an "heroic guerrilla", i.e., one who risked his life and
ultimately died in a just and armed struggle.
He made a fool of himself in Congo and Bolivia.
Post by Barry Schier
Thanks for the quite
shocking revelation that using arms, placing an enemy as a "target" in
one's gunsight, and then pulling the trigger kills the people whom one
shoots at if one has aimed well. I have no diseagreements concderning
the "targets" chosen, as none met an unearned fate.
but then having people grabbing hold of a guy ans hotting him withouit any
due process of law is indeed something else, no?
Post by Barry Schier
Che took full organizational responsiblity for the public trials
we are talking about the "non public" and "no trails" as well Barry.
Not all of Che victims had (even a summary "revolutionary") trial, no?
Video: http://www.cubaverdad.net/che_anatomia_de_un_mito.htm
A fact you desperately try to hide.
Post by Barry Schier
Post by PL
I can imagine you agony.
More Freudian slips her, hypocrite Barry? (also from this message)
"starts as a "democratic revolution" (i.e., for overthrow of a dictatorship,
end of
theocratic practices and rule, independence) does not STOP"
{emphaiss now added]
Oh yeah, what is "emphaiss". I missed that one last time.
But then I am not a native English speaker hey comrade Barry.
Post by Barry Schier
Post by PL
I think people "believe" you are a frustrated propagandist that uses even a
typo or a grammar error to attack people.
Thanks for showing your character again comrade Barry.
"Comrade" was the only ad hominem issult deserving response;
"issult", Barry.
What is that?
Post by Barry Schier
"Comrade" implies companion in a battle, whether idelogical or armed
conflict.
Various thsuaurus synonyns for "opponent"`apply.
"thsuaurus synonyns" ?
What are those?
For a guy that thinks he is entitled to attack non-native English speakers
for errors (while being a native English speaker) you appear more and more
hypocrite by the line.
Post by Barry Schier
Post by PL
Post by Barry Schier
Although Che Guevara played a leadership / directing role instead of
actually pulling the trigger in almost all
cases, not don't deny that Che had responsibility for the death
sentences meted out as a result of the trials that were held not long
after the triumph of the Cuban revolution,
(Remainder of message and my response moved to a future message)
Which - as usual - will never come.
But thanks for allowing me to show what a nasty hypocrite you are comrade
Barry.

What comrade Barry snipped on:
- women and children killed by Castro
http://www.cubaverdad.net/13_de_marzo.htm

- on Cuba's "revolutionary" statistics:

"People emigrating from Cuba or visiting Cuba, including international
health representatives, have reported that it is in line with Cuban
Government
policy to report mild cases of dengue as "influenza". Cuban physicians
have confirmed allegations that some disease reporting in Cuba is
politically influenced (e.g., if dengue were declared wiped out, then
physicians could
report the disease only as influenza-like symptoms). "

"WHO and the PanAmerican Health Organization (WHO's Regional Office for the
Western Hemisphere) cannot
report to the world without clearance from the Cuban government."
See: www.promedmail.org Archive Number 19970627.1390


Michael Thiede is Senior Research Officer in the Health Economics Unit
of the Department of Public Health and Primary Health Care at the
University of Cape Town, South Africa. He writes: " Last year I spent
three months in Cuba. I am still motivated to put together some papers
on Cuban health care. Unfortunately, however, during my stay I was
only able to get hold of the official statistical data and find them
not especially trustworthy.
http://www.stanford.edu/group/wais/cuba_healthcarestatistics62202.html
(link broken)

Some reality:

Sociedad
Un falso primer lugar
Sin la existencia de fuentes independientes, ¿cómo los organismos
internacionales pueden certificar los 'logros' cubanos en salud y nutrición"
http://cubadata.blogspot.com/2006/06/un-falso-primer-lugar.html

- on Cuba's Stalinist system that comrade Barry supports
http://www.cubaverdad.net/stalinist_system.htm

- on the Cuban revolution
On Batista and the communists (from an anarchist website):
Where were the communists during the Cuban revolution? If we believe Fidel
Castro not on the side of the revolution:

In the course of the guerrilla struggle in the Sierra Maestra mountains, he
(Castro) delivered another speech which, once again, stresses his distance
from the Communists:

"What right does Senor Batista have to speak of Communism? After all, in the
elections of 1940 he was the candidate of the Communist Party ... his
portrait hung next to Blas Roca's and Lazaro Pena's; and half a dozen
ministers and confidants of his are leading members of the CP."
H.M. Enzenburger, Raids and Reconstructions, London, 1976, p.200.

See: http://www.marxisme.dk/arkiv/binns/80-cucas.htm

A version of the facts confirmed in this (Marxist) source:


In November 1940, the communists supported Batista's candidates in the
elections to the Constituent Assembly. In return for their support, Batista
allowed the communists to organize and control the government sponsored
union, Cuban Confederation of Labor (CTC Confederacion de Trabajadores de
Cuba) The first Secretary General of the CTC was Lazaro Pena--who,
ironically, enough, held the same post in the Castro regime. In exchange for
these favors the communists guaranteed Batista labor peace.

(also see the video: Cuba Memoria Sindical) In line with the Communist
Party's "Popular Front Against Fascism" policy, the alliance of the
Communist Party with the Batista was officially consumated when the Party
joined the Batista government. The Communist Party leaders Carlos Rafael
Rodriguez and Juan Marinello (who now hold high posts in the Castro
government) became Ministers Without Portfolio in Batista's Cabinet. To
illustrate the intimate connections between the communists and Batista, we
quote from a letter of Batista to Blas Roca, Secretary of the Communist
Party:

June 13,1944
Dear Blas,
With respect to your letter which our mutual friend, Dr. Carlos Rafael
Rodriguez, Minister Without Portfolio, passed to me, I am happy to again
express my firm unshakeable confidence in the loyal cooperation the People's
Socialist Party [the then official name of the Communist Party of Cuba] its
leaders and members have given and continue to give myself and my
government. . .

Believe me, as always, Your very affectionate and cordial friend,
Fulgencio Batista


In the electoral campaign the Communist candidates won ten seats in the
Cuban parliament and more than a hundred posts in the Municipal councils.

In line with their pro-Batista policy the communists joined Batista in
condemning Fidel Castro's attack on the Moncada Barracks (July 1953 -- the
anniversary of the attack is a national holiday in Castro Cuba)
. . . the life of the People's Socialist Party (communist). . . has been to
combat . . . and unmask the putschists and adventurous activities of the
bourgeois opposition as being against the interests of the people. . .
(reported in Daily Worker, U.S organ of the Communist Party, August 10,
1953)
Throughout the Batista period the communists pursued two parallel policies:
overtly they criticized Batista and covertly they cooperated with him.

http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bright/dolgoff/cubanrevolution/chapter6.html

Also: see the video: Cuba Memoria Sindical
http://www.cubaverdad.net/cuba_trade_union_history.htm

216 DOCUMENTED VICTIMS OF CHÉ GUEVARA IN CUBA: 1957 TO 1959

CUBA ARCHIVE
From Armando M. Lago, Ph.D.Žs
Cuba: The Human Cost of
Social Revolution
Manuscript Pending Publication

The exact number of Che's victims in Cuba is unknown. Guevara is said to
have acknowledged ordering many executions -all carried out without
affording the victims due process of law. Combat deaths caused by Che
in Cuba or other countries where he led guerrilla operations have yet to
be tallied.

The following list is not exhaustive and includes only cases for which
historic reference is known -those he personally executed as well as
those killed under his orders. Names are cited as reported. Additional
details, including bibliographic information, are available for most cases.

Executed by Che in the Sierra Maestra during the anti-Batista guerrilla
struggle (1957-1958)
1. ARISTIDIO - 10-57
2. MANUEL CAPITÁN - 1957
3. JUAN CHANG - 9-57
4. "BISCO" ECHEVARRÍA MARTÍNEZ - 8-57
5. EUTIMIO GUERRA - 2-18-57
6. DIONISIO LEBRIGIO - 9-57
7. JUAN LEBRIGIO - 9-57
8. "EL NEGRO" NÁPOLES - 2-18-57
9. "CHICHO" OSORIO - 1-17-57
10. UNIDENTIFIED TEACHER ("EL MAESTRO") - 9-57
11-12. 2 BROTHERS, SPIES FROM THE MASFERRER GROUP - 9-57
13-14. 2 UNIDENTIFIED PEASANTS - 4-57

Executed or sent for execution by Che during his brief command in Santa
Clara (Jan. 1-3, 1959)
1. RAMÓN ALBA - 1-3-59**
2. JOSÉ BARROSO- 1-59
3. JOAQUÍN CASILLAS LUMPUY - 1-2-59**
4. FÉLIX CRUZ - 1-1-59
5. ALEJANDRO GARCÍA ALAYÓN - 1-31-59**
6. HÉCTOR MIRABAL - 1-59
7. J. MIRABAL- 1-59
8. FÉLIX MONTANO - 1-59
9. CORNELIO ROJAS - 1-7-59**
10. VILALLA - 1-59
11. DOMINGO ÁLVAREZ MARTÍNEZ - 1-4-59**
12. CANO DEL PRIETO - 1-7-59**
13. JOSE FERNÁNDEZ MARTÍNEZ-1-2-59
14. JOSÉ GRIZEL SEGURA - 1-7-59** ( Manacas)
15. ARTURO PÉREZ PÉREZ - 1-24-59**
16. RICARDO RODRÍGUEZ PÉREZ - 1-11-59**
17. FRANCISCO ROSELL - 1-11-59
18. IGNACIO ROSELL LEYVA - 1-11-59
19. ANTONIO RUÍZ BELTRÁN -1-11-59
20. RAMÓN SANTOS GARCÍA - 1-12-59
21. PEDRO SOCARRÁS - 1-12-59**
22. MANUEL VALDÉS - 1-59
23. TACE JOSÉ VELÁZQUEZ - 12-59**
**Che signed the death penalty before leaving Santa Clara.

Executions documented for La Cabaña Fortress prison during Che's command
(January 3 to November 26, 1959)
1. VILAU ABREU - 7-3-59
2. HUMBERTO AGUIAR - 1959
3. GERMÁN AGUIRRE - 1959
4. PELAYO ALAYÓN - 2-59
5. JOSÉ LUIS ALFARO SIERRA - 7-1-59
6. PEDRO ALFARO - 7-25-59
7. MARIANO ALONSO - 7-1-59
8. JOSÉ ALVARO - 3-1-59
9. ALVARO ANGUIERA SUÁREZ - 1-4-59
10. ANIELLA - 1959
11. MARIO ARES POLO - 1-2-59
12. JOSÉ RAMÓN BACALLAO - 12-23-59**
13. SEVERINO BARRIOS - 12-9-59**
14. EUGENIO BÉCQUER - 9-29-59
15. FRANCISCO BÉCQUER - 7-2-59
16. RAMÓN BISCET - 7-5-59
17. ROBERTO CALZADILLA - 1959
18. EUFEMIO CANO - 4-59
19. JUAN CAPOTE FIALLO - 5-1-59
20. ANTONIO CARRALERO - 2-4-59
21. GERTRUDIS CASTELLANOS - 5-7-59
22. JOSÉ CASTAÑO QUEVEDO - 3-6-59
23. RAÚL CASTAÑO - 5-30-59
24. EUFEMIO CHALA - 12-16-59**
25. JOSÉ CHAMACE - 10-15-59
26. JOSÉ CHAMIZO - 3-59
27. RAÚL CLAUSELL - 1-28-59
28. ÁNGEL CLAUSELL - 1-18-59
29. DEMETRIO CLAUSELL - 1-2-59
30. JOSÉ CLAUSELL - 1-29-59
31. ELOY CONTRERAS 1-18-59
32. ALBERTO CORBO - 12-7-59**
33. EMILIO CRUZ PEREZ - 12-7-59**
34. ORESTES CRUZ - 1959
35. ADALBERTO CUEVAS - 7-2-59**
36. CUNI - 1959
37. ANTONIO DE BECHE - 1-5-59
38. MATEO DELGADO - 12-4-59
39. ARMANDO DELGADO - 1-29-59
40. RAMÓN DESPAIGNE - 1959
41. JOSÉ DÍAZ CABEZAS - 7-30-59
42. FIDEL DÍAZ MARQUINA - 4-9-59
43. ANTONIO DUARTE - 7-2-59
44. RAMÓN FERNÁNDEZ OJEDA - 5-29-59
45. RUDY FERNÁNDEZ - 7-30-59
46. FERRÁN ALFONSO - 1-12-59
47. SALVADOR FERRERO - 6-29-59
48. VICTOR FIGUEREDO - 1-59
49. EDUARDO FORTE - 3-20-59
50. UGARDE GALÁN - 1959
51. RAFAEL GARCÍA MUÑIZ - 1-20-59
52. ADALBERTO GARCÍA - 6-6-59
53. ALBERTO GARCÍA - 6-6-59
54. JACINTO GARCÍA - 9-8-59
55. EVELIO GASPAR - 12-4-59**
56. ARMADA GIL Y DIEZ CABEZAS - 12-4-59**
57. JOSÉ GONZÁLEZ MALAGÓN - 7-2-59
58. EVARISTO BENERIO GONZÁLEZ - 11-14-59
59. EZEQUIEL GONZÁLEZ - 1-59
60. SECUNDINO GONZÁLEZ - 1959
61. RICARDO LUIS GRAO - 2-3-59
62. RICARDO JOSÉ GRAU - -7-59
63. OSCAR GUERRA - 3-9-59
64. JULIÁN HERNÁNDEZ - 2-9-59
65. FRANCISCO HERNÁNDEZ LEYVA - 4-15-59
66. ANTONIO HERNÁNDEZ - 2-14-59
67. GERARDO HERNÁNDEZ - 7-26-59
68. OLEGARIO HERNÁNDEZ - 4-23-59
69. SECUNDINO HERNÁNDEZ - 1-59
70. RODOLFO HERNÁNDEZ FALCÓN - 1.9.59
71. RAÚL HERRERA - 2-18-59
72. JESÚS INSUA - 7-30-59
73. ENRIQUE IZQUIERDO- 7-3-59
74. SILVINO JUNCO - 11-15-59
75. ENRIQUE LA ROSA - 1959
76. BONIFACIO LASAPARLA - 1959
77. JESÚS LAZO OTAÑO - 1959
78. ARIEL LIMA LAGO - 8-1-59 ( Minor)
79. RENE LÓPEZ VIDAL - 7-3-59
80. ARMANDO MAS - 2-17-59
81. ONERLIO MATA - 1-30-59
82. EVELIO MATA RODRIGUEZ - 2-8-59
83. ELPIDIO MEDEROS - 1-9-59
84. JOSÉ MEDINA - 5-17-59
85. JOSÉ MESA - 7-23-59
86. FIDEL MESQUÍA DIAZ - 7-11-59
87. JUAN MANUEL MILIÁN - 1959
88. JOSÉ MILIAN PÉREZ - 4-3-59
89. FRANCISCO MIRABAL - 5-29-59
90. LUIS MIRABAL - 1959
91. ERNESTO MORALES - 1959
92. PEDRO MOREJÓN - 3-59
93. DR. CARLOS MUIÑO, M.D. - 1959
94. CÉSAR NECOLARDES ROJAS - 1-7-59
95. VICTOR NECOLARDES ROJAS - 1-7-59
96. JOSÉ NUÑEZ - 3-59
97. VITERBO O'REILLY - 2-27-59
98. FÉLIX OVIEDO - 7-21-59
99. MANUEL PANEQUE - 8-16-59
100. PEDRO PEDROSO - 12-1-59**
101. DIEGO PÉREZ CUESTA - 1959
102. JUAN PÉREZ HERNANDEZ-5-29-59
103. DIEGO PÉREZ CRELA - 04-03-59
104. JOSÉ POZO - 1959
105. EMILIO PUEBLA - 4-30-59
106. ALFREDO PUPO - 5-29-59
107. SECUNDINO RAMÍREZ - 4-2-59
108. RAMÓN RAMOS - 4-23-59
109. PABLO RAVELO JR. 9-15-59
110. RUBÉN REY ALBEROLA- 2-27-59
111. MARIO RISQUELME - 1-29-59
112. FERNANDO RIVERA - 10-8-59
113. PABLO RIVERO - 5-59
114. MANUEL RODRÍGUEZ - 3-1-59
115. MARCOS RODRÍGUEZ - 7-31-59
116. NEMESIO RODRÍGUEZ - 7-30-59
117. PABLO RODRÍGUEZ - 10-1-59
118. RICARDO RODRÍGUEZ - 5-29-59
119. OLEGARIO RODRÍGUEZ FERNÁNDEZ - 4.23.59
120. JOSÉ SALDARA - 11-9-59
121. PEDRO SANTANA - 2-59
122. SERGIO SIERRA - 1-9-59
123. JUAN SILVA - 8-59
124. FAUSTO SILVA - 1-29-59
125. ELPIDIO SOLER - 11-8-59
126. JESÚS SOSA BLANCO - 2-8-59
127. RENATO SOSA - 6-28-59
128. SERGIO SOSA - 8-20-59
129. PEDRO SOTO - 3-20-59
130. OSCAR SUÁREZ - 4-30-59
131. RAFAEL TARRAGO - 2-18-59
132. TEODORO TELLEZ CISNEROS - 1-3-59
133. FRANCISCO TELLEZ - 1-3-59
134. JOSÉ TIN - 1-12-59
135. FRANCISCO TRAVIESO - 1959
136. LEONARDO TRUJILLO - 2-27-59
137. TRUJILLO - 1959
138. LUPE VALDÉS BARBOSA - 3-22-59
139. MARCELINO VALDÉS - 7-21-59
140. ANTONIO VALENTÍN - 3-22-59
141. MANUEL VÁZQUEZ - 3-22-59
142. SERGIO VÁZQUEZ - 5-29-59
143. VERDECIA - 1959
144. DÁMASO ZAYAS - 7-23-59
145. JOSÉ ALVARADO - 4-22-59
146. LEONARDO BARÓ - 1-12-59
147. RAÚL CONCEPCIÓN LIMA - 1959
148. ElADIO CARO - 1-4-59
149. CARPINTOR - 1959
150. CARLOS CORVO MARTÍNEZ - 1959
151. JUAN GUILLERMO COSSÍO - 1959
152. CORPORAL ORTEGA - 7-11-59
153. JUAN MANUEL PRIETO - 1959
154. ANTONIO VALDÉS MENA - 5-11-59
155. ESTEBAN LASTRA - 1-59
156. JUAN FELIPE CRUZ SERAFIN - 6-59**
157. BONIFACIO GRASSO - 7-59
158. FELICIANO ALMENARES - 12-8-59
159. ANTONIO BLANCO NAVARRO - 12-10-59**
160. ALBERTO CAROLA - 6-5-59
161. EVARISTO GUERRA - 2-8-59
162. CRISTÓBAL MARTÍNEZ - 1-16-59
163. PEDRO RODRÍGUEZ - 1-10-59
164. FRANCISCO TRUJILLO - 2-18-59

**The death sentence was signed by Che, but the execution was carried
out after he left his command.

15 additional executions were reported by The New York Times, but names
are unknown.

Information provided by
CUBA ARCHIVE, an initiative of the
FREE SOCIETY PROJECT, INC.
www.CubaArchive.org

http://www.miscelaneasdecuba.net/web/article.asp?artID=5649

On the revolution and the communists:

The Cuban Revolution
A Critical Perspective
by Sam Dolgoff



The Character of the Cuban Revolution

A Non-Social Revolution

The myth, induced by the revolutionary euphoria of the pro-Castro left, that
a genuine social-revolution took place in Cuba, is based on a number of
major fallacies. Among them is the idea that a social revolution can take
place in a small semi-developed island, a country with a population of about
eight million, totally dependent for the uninterrupted flow of vital
supplies upon either of the great super-powers, Russia or the U.S. They
assume falsely that these voracious powers will not take advantage of Cuba's
situation to promote their own selfish interests. There can be no more
convincing evidence of this tragic impossibility than Castro's sycophantic
attitude toward his benefactor, the Soviet Union, going so far as to applaud
Russia's invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, a crime certainly on a par with
the military coup in Chile, which Castro rightfully condemned. To assume,
furthermore, that the Cuban social revolution can be miraculously achieved
without simultaneous uprisings in Latin America and elsewhere, is both naive
and irresponsible.

Nationalization Versus Socialism

To equate nationalization of the economy and social services instituted from
above by the decree "revolutionary government" or a caudillo, with true
socialism is a dangerous illusion. Nationalization and similar measures,
under the name of "welfareism," are common. They are widespread, and in many
cases deep-going programs, instituted by democratic "welfare" states or
"benevolent" dictators as an antidote to revolution, and are by no means
equtvalent to socialism.

Russia and Cuba: Two Revolutions Compared

Another fallacy about the nature of the Cuban Revolution can perhaps be best
illustrated by contrasting the early stages of the Russian Revolution of
1917 with the Cuban events. Analogies between the Russian and Cuban
Revolutions--like analogies in general--fail to take into account certain
important differences:

Czarism was OVERTHROWN by the spontaneous revolts of the peasant and
proletarian masses only after a prolonged and bloody civil war.

In Cuba, the Batista regime COLLAPSED WITHOUT A STRUGGLE for lack of popular
support. There were no peasant revolts. No general strikes. Theodor Draper
(and many other observers) argues persuasively that since there were at
least "500,000 agricultural workers in Cuba" there could not have been many
peasants in a

. . . guerrilla force that never amounted to more than a thousand. . . there
was nothing comparable in Cuba to the classic peasant revolution led by
Zapata in Mexico in 1910. . . there was no national peasant uprising.
Outside the immediate vicinity of the guerrilla forces, revolutionary
activity, in the country as a whole, was largely a middle class phenomenon,
with some working class support, but without working class
organizations...(Castroism: Theory and Practice; New York, 1965, p. 74-75)
[This takes on added significance when we consider that the unions comprised
ONE MILLION out of a total population of about six million when the
Revolution began, Jan. 1, 1959.]

In Russia, the masses made the social revolution BEFORE the establishment of
the Bolshevik government. Lenin climbed to power by voicing the demands of,
and legalizing the social revolutionary DEEDS of the workers and peasants:
"All Power to the Soviets," "The Land to the Peasants," "The Factories to
the Workers," etc. In Cuba, Castro, for fear of losing popular support,
carefully avoided a social-revolutionary platform--assuming that he had one.
Unlike Lenin, he came to power because he promised to put into effect the
bourgeois-democratic program.

History is full of unexpected twists and turns. Ironically enough, these two
different revolutions had similar results: Both Lenin and Castro betrayed
their respective revolutions, instituted totalitarian regimes and ruled by
decree from above.

The well-known anarcho-syndicalist writer and activist, Augustin Souchy,
makes a cogent comparison between the Spanish Revolution (1936-1939) and the
Cuban Revolution (both of which he personally witnessed):

. . . while in Spain, the confiscation of the land and the organization of
the collectives was initiated and carried through, by the peasants
themselves; in Cuba, social-economic transformation was initiated, not by
the people, but by Castro and his comrades-in-arms. It is this distinction
that accounts for the different development of the two revolutions; Spain,
mass revolution from the bottom up; Cuba, revolution from the top down by
decree . . . (see Cuba. An Eyewitness Report, below)

Which brings to mind the celebrated phrase of the "Apostle" of Cuban
independence Jose Marti: "To Change the Master Is Not To Be Free."

Revolution the Latin American Way

The Cuban Revolution draws its specific character from a variety of sources.
While not a Latin American "palace revolution" which produced no deep seated
social changes, it nevertheless relates to the tradition of miltarism and
bogus paternalism of Latin American "Caudillismo," the "Man on Horseback."
"Caudillismo"--"right" or "left," "revolutionary" or "reactionary"--is a
chronic affliction in Latin America since the wars for independence
initiated by Simon Bolivar in 1810. The "revolutionary caudillo" Juan Peron
of Argentina, catapulted to power by "leftist" army officers, was deposed by
"rightist" military officers. Maurice Halperin calls attention to the ". . .
expropriation of vast properties in Peru in 1968 and in Bolivia in 1969 by
the very generals who had destroyed Cuban supported guerrilla uprisings in
their respective countries. . . " (The Rise and Fall of Fidel Castro;
University of California, 1972, p. 118)

The militarization of Cuban society by a revolutionary dictatorship headed
by the "Caudillo" of the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro follows, in general,
the Latin American pattern. Like other revolutionary Latin American
"Caudillos, " Castro would come to power only on the basis of programs
designed to win the indispensable support of the masses. Edwin Lieuwen
marshalls impressive evidence:

. . . In Chile in 1924, Major Carlos Ibanez established a military
dictatorship [that] was notably successful in combining authoritarian rule
with policies aimed at meeting popular demands for greater social justice.
Successful but short lived revolutions took place during 1936 under the
leadership of radical young officers inspired by ideas of social reform and
authoritarian nationalism. . In Bolivia a clique of radical young officers
came to power. Major David Toro and Colonel German Busch successfully headed
regimes that had social revolution as their goals. . . they catered to

the downtrodden and pledged to build a new nation. Toro and Busch based
their dictatorial regimes on attempts to win mass support ... (Arms and
Politics in Latin America; New York, 1961, pgs. 60, 62, 78, 79)

When in 1968, a "revolutionary" military Junta seized power in Peru, the new
military government proclaimed the fundamental principle underlying all
"radical" military regimes":

. . . the final aim of the State, being the welfare of the nation; and the
armed forces being the instrument which the State uses to impose its
policies, therefore, . . . in order to arrive at collective prosperity, the
armed forces have the mission to watch over the social welfare, the final
aim of the State... (quoted, Modes of Political Change in Latin America, ed.
Paul Sigmund, New York, 1970, p. 201)

Dr. Carlos Delgado, Director of the Information Bureau of the Revolutionary
Government of Peru, after stressing that the revolution was " . . .
initiated from above" by decree, boasted that the dictatorship in "...the
last four and a half years" accomplished more for the betterment of the
people than in the "whole epoch of Republican rule." The revolution was
hailed, boasted Delgado, even by the French Marxist thinker, Henri Lefebvre,
as one of the most important historical events of the contemporary world..."
(see Reconstruir, anarchist bi-monthly, Buenos Aires, Nov.-Dec. 1974)

There is an umbilical connection between militarism and the State, fully
compatible with, and indispensable to, all varieties of State
"socialism"--or more accurately State Capitalism. George Pendle (and other
observers) with respect to Peron's social and welfare programs initiated to
woo mass support concludes that:

...Peron's National Institute of Social Security...converted Argentina to
one of the most advanced countries in South America. . . it was not
surprising that the majority of workers preferred Peron to their traditional
leaders...they felt that Peron accomplished more for them in a few years
than the Socialist Party achieved in decades...(Argentina; Oxford University
Press, London, 1965, pas. 97, 99)

. . . In Havana Premier Fidel Castro proclaimed three days of mourning and
Cuban officials termed Peron's death a blow to all Latin America. . .(New
York Times, July 2, 1974) This cynical proclamation was not made solely for
tactical reasons, but in recognition of the affinity between the Castro and
Peron regimes. As early as 1961, there were already informal contacts
between Che Guevara and Angel Borlenghi "... a number two man in Peron's
government and his Minister of the Interior for eight years ... Che told
Borlenghi that there's no question about it that Peron was the most advanced
embodiment of political and economic reform in Argentina ... and under Che's
guidance a rapport was established between the Cuban Revolution and the
Peronist movement ... Che has in his possession a letter from Peron
expressing admiration for Castro and the Cuban Revolution and Che had raised
the question of inviting Peron to settle in Havana . . . " (quoted by
Halperin, from Ricardo Rojo's work, My Friend Che; ibid. p. 329-330)

Herbert Matthews supplements Rojo's revelations:...the Argentine journalist
Jorge Massetti who went into the Sierra Maestra in 1958, became friends with
Guevara. He was trained for guerrilla warfare in the Sierra Maestra and in
1964 was killed in a guerrilla raid in Argentina . . . Massetti was credited
with convincing Guevara that Peronism approximated his own ideas. Hilda
Gadea--Guevara's first wife--wrote that for Ernesto Guevara, the fall of
Peron Sept. 1955 was a heavy blow. Che and Massetti blamed it,...'on North
American Imperialists'...(ibid. p. 258)

[Carmelo Mesa-Lago notes the connection between State Socialism and
militarism. Castro enthusiastically hailed] " . . . the Peruvian Social
Revolution as a progressive military group playing a revolutionary role. .
." (Cuba in the 1970s: University of New Mexico Press, 1975, p. 11]) In an
interview, Castro emphatically maintained that social revolution is
compatible with military dictatorship, not only in Peru, but also in
Portugal and Panama.

[When the military junta in Peru] took power...the first thing they did was
to implement agrarian reform which was MUCH MORE RADICAL than the agrarian
reform we initiated in Cuba. It put a much lower limit on the size of
properties; organized cooperatives, agricultural communities; . . . they
also pushed in other fields--in the field of education, social development,
industrialization. . . We must also see the example of Portugal where the
military played a decisive role in political change. . .and are on their way
to finding solutions. . . we have Peru and Panama--where the military are
acting as catalysts in favor of the revolution. . . (Castro quoted by Frank
and Kirby Jones, With Fidel; New York, 1975, p. 195-196)

[The evidence sustains Donald Druze's conclusion that] . . . the programs of
modern 'caudillos' embodies so many features of centralism and National
Socialism, that it almost inevitably blends into communism...(Latin America:
An interpretive History; New York, 1972, p. 570)

Militarism flourishes in Cuba as in Latin America. Castro projected
militarism to a degree unequalled by his predecessor, Batista: total
domination of social, economic and political life. In the Spring of 1959, a
few months after the Revolution of January 1st, Castro, who appointed
himself the "Lider Maximo" ("Caudillo") of the Revolution and
Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, promised to cut the size of the army
in half and ultimately to disband and replace it by civilian militias and
police. "The last thing I am," said Castro, "is a military man . . . ours is
a country without generals and colonels. . . "

Within a year after the disintegration of the Batista Army, Castro turned
Cuba into a thoroughly militarized state, with the most formidable armed
force of any in Latin America. For the first time in Cuban history,
compulsory military service was instituted. Now, Cuba has adopted the
traditional hierarchical ranking system of conventional armies. The Cuban
army differs in no essential respect from the armies of both "capitalist"
and "socialist" imperialist powers.

"Communism" a la Castro

Insofar as relations with the communists are concerned, Theodore Draper
notes the striking resemblance between the policies of Batista and Castro:

. . . Batista paid off the communists for their support, by among other
things, permitting them to set up an official trade union federation, the
Confederacion de Trabajadores de Cuba (CTC) with Lazaro Pena as its
Secretary-General. In 1961, Castro paid off the communists for their
support, by, among other things, permitting Lazaro Pena to come back
officially as Secretary General of the CTC...(ibid. p. 204)

If we accept at face value Castro's conversion to "communism," his
"communism" embodies the Latin American version of Stalinism, absolute
personal dictatorship. But "Caudillos" are not primarily ideologues. They
are, above all, political adventurers. In their lust for power, they are not
guided by ethical considerations, as they claim. In this respect, there is
no essential difference between capitalist states and "revolutionary
socialist states." All dictators conceal their true visage behind the facade
of a political party, paying lip service to goals supposedly popular with
the masses. Castro became a "communist" because he considered that his
survival in power depended on cementing cordial relations with his saviors,
the "socialist" countries (former enemies) and by extension with Batista's
former allies, the domestic "communists." To promote his ends, Castro
established relations with Franco Spain and the Vatican. Nor did he hesitate
to side with the Arab oil magnates--lords over their impoverished
subjects--in the mid-east disputes, or to endorse the Russian invasion of
Czecho-Slovakia.

The Real Revolution Is Yet To Come

Albert Camus observed:

. . . the major event of the twentieth century has been the abandonment of
the values of liberty on the part of the revolutionary movement, the
weakening of Libertarian Socialism, vis-a-vis Caesarist and militaristic
socialism. Since then, a great hope has disappeared from the world, to be
replaced by a deep sense of emptiness in the hearts of all who yearn for
freedom... (Neither victims Nor Executioners)

Whether Castro is working out his own unique brand of "Cuban Socialism" is a
relatively minor question. Even if Castro had no connection with the
communist movement, his mania for personal power would lead inevitably to
the establishment of an "independent" totalitarian regime. What is decisive
is that the Cuban Revolution follows the pattern established in this century
by the aborted Russian Revolution of 1917. This pattern is the
counter-revolution of the State.



See:
http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bright/dolgoff/cubanrevolution/chapter3.html

PL
Barry Schier
2006-06-25 06:00:55 UTC
Permalink
Barry Schier >
Post by PL
Post by Barry Schier
(5) Thus, almost all of the original members representing the privileged
class in the cabinet established after the revolution
triumphed quickly resigned and fled to Florida after they discovered that
the Cuban Revolution and its leadetrship
You mean Castro and the communists seized power and started their
repression.
Lots of revolutionaries and peasants took up arms again in the "Escambray
reballion", no.
Castro needed lots of Russian aid to stop that.
PL, although he has greater fluency in far more languages than I can
read, seems not to have the foggiest notion in any language about how
to distinguish "revolutionaries" from "counterrevolutionaries" (i.e.,
"contras", a term which was revived to describe the Nicaraguans
organized to overturn the FSLN / Sandinista government at Washington's
behest and request). (It's sometimes hard to tell feigned ignorance
from feigned ignorance, as PL denies the existence or effects of the
United States embargo against Cuba while posting articles on that very
same embargo on his Cuba web site to give the appearance of being
fair.)

Hint: Those fighting for the OVERTURN of a system based on inequality
are revolutionaries, and those fighting for the RETURN of a system
based on inequality are counterrevolutionaries (i.e., "gusanos" in
1960s Cuban slang,"contras" in 1980s Nicaraguan slang). .

Depending upon one's subjective defintion of "lots," it would be
accurate to state, "Lots of COUNTER revolutionaries and peasants took
up arms again in the "Escambray ..."
mountains in a CIA-initiated, CIA-directed, and later CIA-abadoned
campaign. Personal note for PL (with discliamer of any responsiblity
for any heart attack that this shocking new news may cause him to
have): The C.I.A. Ii.e., United States Central Intelligence Agency) is
NOT "revolutionary" and its followers are not "revolutionaries," but
rather the U.S.. government agency in charge of spying, lying, and
coordinating most vile and violent coup-plotters, counterinsurgency
partisans, etc. who aim to overturn reformist and revolutionary regimes
alike. The government that claims to be the world's "defender of
democracy" (heaquartered in Washington) has overturned more elected
governments than any other (e.g., Iran in 1953, Guatemala in 1954,
Brazil in 1964, Chile in 1973), installing and establishing the most
brutal dictatorships in place of those popular governments.

{From the History Forum is a fairly balanced account of what the
conflict in the Escambray Mountains was all about: "The Cuban Contra
Movement". Start of excerpt:}

Meanwhile, the [Cuban] revolutionary leadership was waging a fierce
fight against the Escambray guerrillas in Las Villas [rovince. The
Escambray had been the scene of Che Guevara's and Rolando Cubelas' most
resounding victories, such as the attacks on Guinea de Miranda and the
Battle of Santa Clara; now it was the setting of new guerrilla warfare
- this time against the revolution.

Disenchantment with the radical measures of the revolution was not an
exclusive prerogative of economically affected classes. The movement in
the Escambray [mountain] region was led by former Castro supporters,
ex-guerrillas who had a thorough knowledge of the terrain and
respectible expertise in irregular warfare. Of them, the most popular
was Porfitio Ramiz, a student leader from Las Villas University and
former guerrilla. Equally popular was Major Evelio Duque, who commanded
wide support from the Escambray guajiros [peasants].

At the height of their campaign, official sources estimated that these
leaders commanded approximately 3,591 men, who comprised 179 guerrilla
groups. Open counterrevolutionary activities began throughout the
[former] six provinces of Cuba. Groups operated in the Sierra Maestra
mountains of Oriente province and the Sierra de los Organos in Pinar
del Rio province. Others were actively engaged in operations to the
south of the city of Havana and around the coastal areas of Matanzas
and Las Villas, both to the north and south.

The counterrevolutionary guerrilla movement was nurtured by the U.S.
Central Intelligence Agency's shipment of arms, food supplies and
explosives. In addition, the CIA oversaw the recruitment of an urban
underground. A few guerrilla groups attempted to remain independent
though the effort was useless since they depended on the CIA for
military supplies. It is no secret that without the CIA the guerrillas
would never have been able to establish their fronts across the island.
Regular aid parachuted at night, infiltration of saboteurs from various
points in the Caribbean and a continuous flow of intelligence data from
the CIA staff at the U.S. embassy in Havana gave the insurgents
momentum.

Against the persistence of the counterrevolution, the Mimistry of the
Armed Forces prepared a number of retaliatory measures. The struggle
against the Escambray "bandits" - as it is called in Cuban military
parlance - became known as the Lucha Contra Bandidos (LCB). Amidst the
revamping of the old revel army. the Ministries of Defense and the
Interior rapidly mobilized the CDR [block and neighborhood
Revolutionary Defense Committees] and the National Revolutionary
Militias. The former participated in Operacion Anillo (Ring Operation)
while the latter were charged with Operacion cerco (Encirclement
Operation). A;together, 50,000 workers were mobilized from all the
surrounding cities and provinces, and 50,000 peasants various regions
of the country.

Legendary figures from the revolutionary war such as Che Guevara, Raul
Castro, Faustino Perez and Raul Menendez Tomasevich all took part in
the struggle. At Escambray, a column led by Guevara suffered a crushing
defeat at the hands of Porfitio Ramirez's guerrillas. After regrouping
and charging again, Guevara's column was ambushed in a place called
Potrillo, and as a result his force was cut to pieces. Afterwards he
was rescued by helicopter and transported to the nearby city of
Cienfuegos. Raul Castro encountered a similar fate; he was
outmaneuvered by Major Evelio Duque's outfit, which inflicted heavy
casualties on the militias before the terrified eyes of many an
Escambray family. At the Sierra Maestra, small guerrilla bands attacked
isolated posts of the [national] rebel army. Castro's response to these
defeats was to arm the peasants for self-defense, and after a few sound
skirmishes the guerrillas took refuge in the heights of the Sierras.

The final drive on the Escambray guerrillas came with the removal of
the rural population from the zone of operations. Selective terrorism
was applied to any peasants suspected of aiding or abetting the
counterrevolutionaries. Executions and imprisonment were frequent. Both
the Ancillo and the Cerco operations succeeded in exterminating the
hard care of the insurgents. In November of 1960, before the Bay of
Pigs invasion, the CIA suspended most of its aid to these groups. After
President Kennedy's decision to back an invasion of Cuba, and the
creation of the CIA-supported Cuban Revolutionary Council, the
Escambray guerrillas were on their own. If a U.S.-supported invasion
had succeeded the guerrillas would have had a direct claim to power,
and the CIA feared that these men were too far to the left [sic[ in
comparison with their counterparts in the [CRC]. Thus, the CIA
discouraged the urban underground movement from joining the guerrillas
in the mountains.

As the CIA phased out its support for the guerrillas it became a matter
of days until they would be exterminated. Guerrillas went to the llanos
[plains] searching for food and supplies and were caught by the
revolutionary forces. Without an external base of logistical support
the y were condemned - as Che was to be in Bolivia - to total oblivion.


The first front to be eliminated was that of Pinar del Rio, followed by
groups in Camaguey, Havana and Matanzas provinces. The last haven of
the guerrilla movement became the Escambray. Some favored trying to get
out of the country to join the training camps already underway for the
coming invasion. Others decided to stay and continue the fight.
Meanwhile FAR's [Revolutionary Armed Forces'] offensive escalated in a
final effort to clear the country's rear guard as reports told Castro
of the impending invasion. Although Ministries of the Interior and
Defense effectively eradicated most of the guerrillas, scattered groups
remained hidden in the mountains until well into 1965, when the
government finally claimed to have successfully mastered the Lucha
Contra Bandidos.

Fidel and Raul Castro make no bones about their deep bitterness about
the Escambray episode, in which the revolutionary government lost 500
men and spent between 500 and 800 million pesos. For Fidel, Raul,
Ramiro Valdes, Sergio del Valle and others - especially after the
nuclear confrontation of October 1962, when the Soviet Union and the
United States decided everyone's status - "arming to the teeth" became
necessary if the revolution and its leaders were to survive at all.

-- Marta San Martin and Ramon L. Bonachea, "The Military Dimension of
the Cuban Revolution;" in "Cuban Communism," Irving Louis Horowits,
ed., pp. 233-236.

{End of History Forum excerpt}

- Barry Schier

(Response to Points (6) et seq. deferred; those points are in original
message).
PL
2006-06-25 15:18:39 UTC
Permalink
Post by Barry Schier
Barry Schier >
Post by PL
Post by Barry Schier
(5) Thus, almost all of the original members representing the privileged
class in the cabinet established after the revolution
triumphed quickly resigned and fled to Florida after they discovered that
the Cuban Revolution and its leadetrship
You mean Castro and the communists seized power and started their
repression.
Lots of revolutionaries and peasants took up arms again in the "Escambray
reballion", no.
Castro needed lots of Russian aid to stop that.
PL, although he has greater fluency in far more languages than I can
read, seems not to have the foggiest notion in any language about how
to distinguish "revolutionaries" from "counterrevolutionaries"
Nope.
I am not as dogmatically handicapped as you bare.
One persons "revolutionary" is another's "counterrevolutionary".
For example: the anti- Batista fighters were revolutionaries fighting for
the restoration of the 1940 constitution.
Castro and his communist allies - previously allies of Batista - moved
against the revolutionaries in a "counter-revolution" to establish a
Stalinist system.
More info on the true aims of the Cuban revolution a&nd the role of the
communists:
http://www.cubaverdad.net/revolution.htm
Post by Barry Schier
Hint: Those fighting for the OVERTURN of a system based on inequality
are revolutionaries,
Like the men fighting Batista and like those opposed to Castro and his
"apartheid" system.
http://www.cubaverdad.net/apartheid_in_cuba.htm
Violations of human rights is Cuba: links to 100 reports:
http://www.cubaverdad.net/links_to_human_rights_reports.htm
Post by Barry Schier
and those fighting for the RETURN
on continuance
Post by Barry Schier
of a system
based on inequality are counterrevolutionaries
Like you: the unreformed Stalinist.
So you are a "counter- revolutionary".
OK
Post by Barry Schier
Depending upon one's subjective defintion of "lots," it would be
accurate to state, "Lots of COUNTER revolutionaries
Nope.
Lots of revolutionaries from the fight against Batista that fought the
"counter revolution" of Castro.
Post by Barry Schier
and peasants took
up arms again in the "Escambray ..."
mountains in a CIA-initiated, CIA-directed, and later CIA-abadoned
campaign.
Nope. Very little CIA - and very ineffective - involvement.
A national movement from those that wanted resist Castro's betrayal of the
revolutionary ideal i.e. the restoration of the 1940 constitution.

From (disputed) Wikipedia:
The War Against the Bandits (Escambray Revolt) was a rebellion against the
Revolutionary Government of Fidel Castro, mostly, but not exclusively (e.g.
Castro Army Captain Alcibíades Bermúdez Morales was killed in the Sierra
Maestra, on May 24, 1964. [1]), in the middle provinces of Cuba (Priestland,
2003), starting in 1959 and continuing until about 1965.

This war lasted longer and involved far more insurgents and Castro militia
than the original Castro forces and Batista soldiers in the war against
Batista.

The insurgents were mainly country folk, including former Batista forces, or
followers of the anti-communist William Alexander Morgan, a former
Comandante in the war against Batista [2]. Morgan himself was executed in
1961 long before resistance ended [3]. The CIA also provided limited and
often ineffective (e.g. wrong caliber ammunition) aid to the insurgents
during much of the revolt, and finally withheld all support. Some of these
failures could be attributed to Castro's "roll up" of CIA operatives in Cuba
(Volkman, 1995).

Castro forces tactics consisted of sweeps of several very long lines of
militia, a circumstance that caused heavy government losses, but ultimately
won the war. Castro employed over 250,000 troops at one time [4] (see
Puebla). Often the insurgents broke through but the attrition of this
unequal combat for the much smaller insurgent forces (at most 4,000 in
total, Puebla) decided the war.

The insurgency was finally suppressed by massive use of militia, numerous
executions, arrests and internal deportations to "closed" towns in the
westernmost province of Pinar del Rio, a common tactic Second Boer War and
USSR among governments being attacked by insurgents. After the Bay of Pigs
Castro started de facto (Priestland, 2003) and later formalized food
rationing throughout the whole country. Thus the remaining insurgents were
left starving, and as a result some of them surrendered only to be executed,
while others fought to the death. A few escaped
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/War_Against_the_Bandits
Post by Barry Schier
{From the History Forum is a fairly balanced account of what the
conflict in the Escambray Mountains was all about: "The Cuban Contra
Movement". Start of excerpt:}
Meanwhile, the [Cuban] revolutionary leadership was waging a fierce
fight against the Escambray guerrillas (snip)
No links to the source (as usual with comrade Barry) and the first sentence
already shows that the author is far from "fairly balanced".

Some good links (in Spanish and English)

Escambray: La Guerra Olvidada

Un Libro Historico De Los Combatientes Anticastristas En Cuba (1960-1966)

Enrique G. Encinosa

I

LOS HEROES DE LA GUERRA EN LAS VILLAS

Fue una guerra brutal y larga, de la cual muy poco se conoce o se ha
escrito. En Cuba, desde principios de 1960, hasta finales de 1966, unos
cuantos miles de campesinos humildes y mal armados se enfrentaron, en lucha
desigual, al poderío militar del régimen de Fidel Castro. Sin suministros
adecuados, acosados por bien armadas huestes enemigas, los guerrilleros
fueron eventualmente derrotados pese a la furia y tenacidad con que
combatieron.

Más de dos décadas han transcurrido desde la etapa de los alzamientos
guerrilleros. Pese a que estos sucesos afectaron las vidas de cientos de
miles de cubanos, muy poco se ha escrito o documentado públicamente sobre
esta etapa. El régimen castrista ha publicado media docena de libros y
producido un par de películas sobre el tema de los alzamientos, refiriéndose
en forma tergiversada a los guerrilleros como simples bandidos. Aunque en
algunos libros, particularmente los escritos por José Norberto Fuentes, se
admite el valor de los alzados, la mayoría de estas ediciones han tenido
circulación muy limitada dentro de Cuba. Obviamente, el régimen de Fidel
Castro no ha tenido gran interés en demostrar que existió una fuerte
oposición al comunismo entre los hombres más humildes de Cuba, los guajiros
de los campos cubanos

En el exilio nada se había publicado hasta la fecha sobre el proceso
guerrillero, que ocurrió de 1960 al 1966. Las dificultades en investigar y
analizar este momento histórico, se han basado en las limitaciones impuestas
por las circunstancias, el tiempo y el espacio. Primeramente, muy pocos
líderes guerrilleros sobrevivieron a la brutal guerra. Miles de alzados
murieron en combate o fueron fusilados. De los sobrevivientes, más de dos
mil cumplieron -y algunos aún cumplenlargas condenas carlearais en las
ergástulas del régimen. La disponebilidad de estos hombres para las
entrevistas, ha sido limitada a los últimos años, en los cuales numerosos
ex-presos politicos comenzaron a llegar a tierras del exilio. Una tercera
circunstancia limitadora ha sido el hecho de que los alzados, siendo de
procedencia humilde cuentan con un bajo nivel educacional, lo que hace muy
escaso el número de memorias, cartas o ensayos escritos por los
sobrevivientes para documentar un estudio serio sobre el proceso.

Pese a todas las dificultades, la etapa de los alzamientos guerrilleros
merece ser estudiada profundamente. La guerra campesina abarcó las seis
provincias de la Isla, siendo la campaña militar más grande llevada a cabo
en Cuba desde el inicio de la República en 1902. Desde los tiempos de los
mambises nunca se había combatido con tanta fiereza en suelo cubano.

El número de muertos en estos años de combate nunca se sabrá con certeza. El
gobierno de Castro rara vez dió a la publicidad detalles sobre combates o
ejecuciones. Los alzados, divididos en grupos, con malas comunicaciones
entre sí, sólo sabían de las bajas ocurridas en zonas limitarlas. Mantener
un censo de los caídos era imposible para los insurgentes. Los
fusilamientos, especialmente en Las Villas, no fueron sólo de guerrilleros,
también abarcaron a colaboradores, a contactos en líneas de suministros y a
algunos infelices guajiros que se encontraban en el lugar equivocado cuando
el ejército castrista patrullaba la zona.
Ni siquiera las fuentes de información del régimen están de acuerdo con el
número de bajas sufridas por sus propias fuerzas. El escritor Juan Carlos
Fernández, en su libro Todo es secreto hasta un día, publicado en Cuba en
1976, dá la cifra de doscientos noventa y cinco muertos en combate sufridos
por operativos del FAR (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias) en las acciones
contra los bandidos. Sin embargo en 1970, Raúl Castro. en discurso
pronunciado en un acto conmemorativo del aparato represivo del MININT
(Ministerio del Interior) hizo una alusión muy significativa a la lucha
guerrillera de 1960 a 1966, declarando que en las seis provincias de Cuba
llegaron a existir un total de ciento setenta y nueve bandas guerrilleras,
compuestas por tres mil quinientos noventa y un alzados. Según lo expresado
por R. Castro en su discurso, el costo de eliminar a estos grupos llegó a
ser de casi ochocientos millones de pesos y causó la muerte, de casi
quinientos hombres del FAR. Pero, esta. cifra de Raúl Castro ha sido
contradicha. En el libro Nos impusieron la violencia (Cuba, 1986), el autor
José Norberto Fuentes, detalla el costo de esta guerra en cerca de mil
millones de pesos. Este mismo autor asegura en uno de sus tres libros
(Cazabandídos) que las unidades especiales del LCB (Lucha Contra Bandidos)
perdieron en combates en la provincia de Las Villas trescientos cinco
cazadores. Como la cifra de Norberto Fuentes no toma en consideración los
muertos del FAR ocurridos entre 1960 y 1962 en las dos Limpias (antes de la
creación del LCB) ni las bajas ocurridas en las otras cinco provincias, es
muy posible que el número de muertes incurridas por fuerzas del régimen haya
sido mucho mayor al de la cifra expresada por Raúl Castro en su discurso de
1970.

Lo que sí sabemos, sin discusión, es que el proceso guerrillero de 1960 al
1966, costó las vidas de por lo menos tres mil cubanos de ambos lados de la
contienda, causó el presidio de miles de otros, y afectó la vida de una
nación entera.
http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/book/escambray-1.htm


Forty Three Year Struggle Against Castro © 2002 ABIP

by Agustin Blazquez with the collaboration of Jaums Sutton

Castro's latest "no-alternative referendum" scheme pretends to lie once more
about the legitimacy and approval of his totalitarian regime making it
"untouchable" within the text of that rag euphemistically called the "Cuban
Constitution of 1976."

I say "euphemistically" because that "constitution," deprives any citizen of
all liberties and human rights when any citizen expresses any disagreement
with the dictums of the revolution (Castro), as well as deprives all
citizens of their parental rights concerning the education of their
children. Castro's 1976 "constitution" is the antithesis of the Constitution
of the United States.

Castro was so sure that no one would dare to challenge him that his
"constitution" includes a passage that says a request for a referendum can
be made by the citizens if a petition with at least 10,000 signatures is
presented.

And now (26 years later), immediately after the Varela Project presented
over 11,000 signatures asking for a referendum in accordance with his
"constitution," Castro's answer is an amendment to guarantee the perpetuity
of his corrupt brand of tropical "socialism" which is much closer to Fascism
and Stalinism.

Hopefully this ruse will serve to open the eyes of his many admirers in the
U.S. and realize that he will not change. The secret of his long- lived
power is the result of his unparalleled repression.

Castro's brutality and repression is not new. An examination of his record
shows that it began when he took power in January 1959. Resistance to
Castro's criminal and dictatorial behavior by Cubans began at the same time.
Thus his unrelenting, 43-year war against the Cuban people and their will
for freedom and democracy continues.

Son of a corrupt Spaniard landowner, Castro was upper middle class, as were
his friends. Due to the romantic myth created by the media - inaugurated by
the articles of Herbert Matthews in The New York Times - only those who knew
him personally knew of his violent past as a university student gangster,
his manipulative ways, thirst for power, admiration for the Fascist regimes
of Hitler and Mussolini, could foresee the dangers to come.

The struggle against Batista, Castro's predecessor, was dominated by Cuba's
huge middle class and some segments of the upper classes; but the early
opposition to Castro came from all walks of life, including his old comrades
in his fight against Batista.

One of Castro's comrades in the fight against Batista was Mario Chanes de
Armas, who came with him aboard the Granma. But from 1961 to 1991 Chanes de
Armas was sent to jail for disagreeing with Castro's communist ways. Chanes
de Armas was the longest held political prisoner in the world.

The democratic opposition was threatening his hold on power and in January
1960, Castro decreed the death penalty (that did not exist in Cuba) for
helping or joining the new revolt. By the end of 1960, there had been many
violent clashes between Castro and groups opposing him inside Cuba.

Contrary to Castro's propaganda - repeated as Gospel by the U.S. media,
which had kept the American people ignorant of the struggle of the Cuban
people to get rid of his regime - there were resistance groups in the cities
and rebel groups in the countryside as close as 36 kilometers to Havana, and
extending to other provinces.

According to conservative estimates there were 10,000 rebels across the
island (much more than the some 3500 that fought against Batista). While
Batista's army was 40,000 men, Castro needed an army of more than 250,000
men to fight them. Castro's revolution was bloody from the beginning.

In January 1960, a group of peasants - frustrated by the abuses of the
communist-leaning Castro revolution - went into the Escambray Mountains in
the first open revolt against the regime. Soon the peasant rebels numbered
in the hundreds and later people from all walks of life joined them
resulting in a total of about 3500.

Following the Hitler and Stalin models, Castro, maligning the peasants as
"bandits," ordered in 1961 the massive relocation of thousands of them from
the Escambray area, with the objective of cutting off the increasing number
of rebels, their support, contacts and food supply. (This
relocation-of-peasants technique was also followed by the Castro-supported
communist Sandinistas in Nicaragua in the 1980s to crush a similar
opposition uprising.)

Thousands of families were forcibly evicted from the Escambray Mountains at
gunpoint from their properties. As during the times of Hitler and Stalin,
the peasants were herded into trains where families were separated and
banished. The men were sent to prisons and forced labor camps throughout
Cuba. Women and children were housed in expropriated houses converted into
detention centers in far away cities.

The communist technique was to hold these families incommunicado from their
relatives in distant areas of the island. When their children were six years
old, they were removed from their mothers and interned in communist
indoctrination schools.

For years the men were subjected to abusive and inhumane treatment. Using
them for forced labor, the "closed towns" of Ramon Lopez Pena, Sandino,
Briones Montoto, Miraflores, Imias, Mamamantuabo and Velaco were built in
the provinces of Pinar del Rio, Matanzas and Camaguey.

Eventually, the family members from throughout Cuba were relocated to these
closed towns. They were ordered never to return to their original land.
These towns were guarded concentration camps off limits to the rest of the
population. This operation lasted until 1972, but these peasants have never
been allowed to leave their assigned towns. Today, four decades later, they
are still being treated as prisoners and hostages of Castro's regime.

Castro's genocide war following a scorched-earth technique of encircling the
rebels was concluded in 1965, after killing a total of 2236, according to
Dr. Armando Lago's research for an upcoming book. From this total, Dr. Lago
says, 1415 were executed on sight without trial. Castro's policy was to
execute all prisoners by shooting or hanging after being viciously tortured.

According to the book Cuba in Revolution-Escape From a Lost Paradise by
Miguel A. Faria, Jr., M.D., a note on page 113, reveals that Castro's
brother Raul admitted that Castro's communist army "suffered 6000 deaths"
from the freedom fighters at the Escambray Mountains.

The cost in human lives of the Escambray Mountains' revolt against Castro
was far greater than in the prior fight against Batista. Dr. Lago's
documented research also shows that the total number of deaths during the
struggle against Batista's dictatorship (March 10, 1952 to December 31,
1958) was 2826. And that Castro's rebel forces killed 1432 and Batista's
army, 1394.

In 1996, a group of uprooted sons and daughters of the massively-evicted
1961 Escambray area peasants challenged Castro's regime by soliciting the
Ministry of Justice in Cuba that their parents' properties be returned to
them. Indeed a daring act in totalitarian Cuba! But no information on the
outcome has made it out.

CNN (known to Cubans as "Castro News Network") and the other foreign news
agencies allowed in Havana cooperate with the regime and do not touch this
issue. José Martí, the XIX century Cuban patriot said, "To gaze idly at a
crime is to commit it." Meantime, the people in Cuba continue to suffer as a
result of this criminal silence.

On June 22, 2002, The Cycle of Cuban Films of the Miami Dade Community
College presents at the Tower Theater in Miami a documentary about the
Escambray saga written by Enrique Encinosa and directed by Pedro Suarez
titled Al Filo del Machete [At the Edge of the Sword].

This film is part of the effort of the Institute of the Cuban Historic
Memory against Totalitarianism to document little known or twisted chapters
of the armed struggle against Castro's tyranny since 1959.

Al Filo del Machete presents the testimonies of a group of survivors that
took part in the struggle for freedom during the 1960s on the Escambray
Mountains in the center of the island and the urban struggle as well.

Discredited as "bandits" for years by Castro's propaganda machinery, this
film documents why these peasants didn't have any alternative than fight
back a regime that was cutting off the most fundamental civil rights and
liberties.

Unfortunately for the benefit of the English speaking American public that
ignores the reality of the Castro regime, this documentary does not have
English subtitles now, but hopefully will in the near future.

Another sample of Castro's brutality was carried out in the early hours of
April 17, 1961, when Castro ordered the massive detention of about 250,000
citizens suspected of being unsympathetic to his revolution in order to cut
off public support for the Bay of Pigs invasion. They were housed in
stadiums, theaters and prisons. Many of them were executed or remained in
prison. Once the invasion failed, Castro ordered the installation of
dynamite in all jails housing his political prisoners, so that if another
invasion occurred, they could be killed quickly.

If the Cuban people really love Castro and his regime as some claim, why not
hold free democratic elections in Cuba? Why not allow other political
parties besides the Communist party? Why not have a free press and freedom
of expression for the citizens? Why no freedom of association and why
automatically consider all private organizations illegal?

Why can't parents educate their children according to their own beliefs? Why
can't citizens own property and enter in business partnerships with
foreigners? Why can't ordinary Cuban citizens enjoy the same facilities as
foreigners? And the list of depravation of the most elementary human rights
goes on.

The notion that Castro was not and is still not opposed in Cuba is false.
For 43 years he has been waging a war against Cubans, who, since 1959,
rejected his betrayal of the democratic ideals of the political revolution
against Batista. Castro has ruled and maintained power by repression,
brutality and terror. Castro is not only involved in international terrorism
but also in national terrorism directed against millions of citizens.

This situation has affected all Cubans in all walks of life. That is why it
is so inaccurate for the U.S. media and others to dismiss anti-Castro Cuban
Americans as "upper class," "conservatives," "right wing" and other negative
and derogatory epithets very much in vogue and with the seal approval of the
far-left engendered "political correctness."

Being anti-Castro is being pro-democracy and in support of human rights and
the principles of the U.S. Declaration of Independence and Constitution.

© 2002 ABIP
http://www.amigospais-guaracabuya.org/oagaq095.php

Escambray: La Guerra Olvidada



Los Combatientes Anticastristas En Cuba (1960-1966)

Enrique G. Encinosa

I

LOS HEROES DE LA GUERRA EN LAS VILLAS

Fue una guerra brutal y larga, de la cual muy poco se conoce o se ha
escrito. En Cuba, desde principios de 1960, hasta finales de 1966, unos
cuantos miles de campesinos humildes y mal armados se enfrentaron, en lucha
desigual, al poderío militar del régimen de Fidel Castro. Sin suministros
adecuados, acosados por bien armadas huestes enemigas, los guerrilleros
fueron eventualmente derrotados pese a la furia y tenacidad con que
combatieron.

Más de dos décadas han transcurrido desde la etapa de los alzamientos
guerrilleros. Pese a que estos sucesos afectaron las vidas de cientos de
miles de cubanos, muy poco se ha escrito o documentado públicamente sobre
esta etapa. El régimen castrista ha publicado media docena de libros y
producido un par de películas sobre el tema de los alzamientos, refiriéndose
en forma tergiversada a los guerrilleros como simples bandidos. Aunque en
algunos libros, particularmente los escritos por José Norberto Fuentes, se
admite el valor de los alzados, la mayoría de estas ediciones han tenido
circulación muy limitada dentro de Cuba. Obviamente, el régimen de Fidel
Castro no ha tenido gran interés en demostrar que existió una fuerte
oposición al comunismo entre los hombres más humildes de Cuba, los guajiros
de los campos cubanos

En el exilio nada se había publicado hasta la fecha sobre el proceso
guerrillero, que ocurrió de 1960 al 1966. Las dificultades en investigar y
analizar este momento histórico, se han basado en las limitaciones impuestas
por las circunstancias, el tiempo y el espacio. Primeramente, muy pocos
líderes guerrilleros sobrevivieron a la brutal guerra. Miles de alzados
murieron en combate o fueron fusilados. De los sobrevivientes, más de dos
mil cumplieron -y algunos aún cumplenlargas condenas carlearais en las
ergástulas del régimen. La disponebilidad de estos hombres para las
entrevistas, ha sido limitada a los últimos años, en los cuales numerosos
ex-presos politicos comenzaron a llegar a tierras del exilio. Una tercera
circunstancia limitadora ha sido el hecho de que los alzados, siendo de
procedencia humilde cuentan con un bajo nivel educacional, lo que hace muy
escaso el número de memorias, cartas o ensayos escritos por los
sobrevivientes para documentar un estudio serio sobre el proceso.

Pese a todas las dificultades, la etapa de los alzamientos guerrilleros
merece ser estudiada profundamente. La guerra campesina abarcó las seis
provincias de la Isla, siendo la campaña militar más grande llevada a cabo
en Cuba desde el inicio de la República en 1902. Desde los tiempos de los
mambises nunca se había combatido con tanta fiereza en suelo cubano.

El número de muertos en estos años de combate nunca se sabrá con certeza. El
gobierno de Castro rara vez dió a la publicidad detalles sobre combates o
ejecuciones. Los alzados, divididos en grupos, con malas comunicaciones
entre sí, sólo sabían de las bajas ocurridas en zonas limitarlas. Mantener
un censo de los caídos era imposible para los insurgentes. Los
fusilamientos, especialmente en Las Villas, no fueron sólo de guerrilleros,
también abarcaron a colaboradores, a contactos en líneas de suministros y a
algunos infelices guajiros que se encontraban en el lugar equivocado cuando
el ejército castrista patrullaba la zona.
Ni siquiera las fuentes de información del régimen están de acuerdo con el
número de bajas sufridas por sus propias fuerzas. El escritor Juan Carlos
Fernández, en su libro Todo es secreto hasta un día, publicado en Cuba en
1976, dá la cifra de doscientos noventa y cinco muertos en combate sufridos
por operativos del FAR (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias) en las acciones
contra los bandidos. Sin embargo en 1970, Raúl Castro. en discurso
pronunciado en un acto conmemorativo del aparato represivo del MININT
(Ministerio del Interior) hizo una alusión muy significativa a la lucha
guerrillera de 1960 a 1966, declarando que en las seis provincias de Cuba
llegaron a existir un total de ciento setenta y nueve bandas guerrilleras,
compuestas por tres mil quinientos noventa y un alzados. Según lo expresado
por R. Castro en su discurso, el costo de eliminar a estos grupos llegó a
ser de casi ochocientos millones de pesos y causó la muerte, de casi
quinientos hombres del FAR. Pero, esta. cifra de Raúl Castro ha sido
contradicha. En el libro Nos impusieron la violencia (Cuba, 1986), el autor
José Norberto Fuentes, detalla el costo de esta guerra en cerca de mil
millones de pesos. Este mismo autor asegura en uno de sus tres libros
(Cazabandídos) que las unidades especiales del LCB (Lucha Contra Bandidos)
perdieron en combates en la provincia de Las Villas trescientos cinco
cazadores. Como la cifra de Norberto Fuentes no toma en consideración los
muertos del FAR ocurridos entre 1960 y 1962 en las dos Limpias (antes de la
creación del LCB) ni las bajas ocurridas en las otras cinco provincias, es
muy posible que el número de muertes incurridas por fuerzas del régimen haya
sido mucho mayor al de la cifra expresada por Raúl Castro en su discurso de
1970.

Lo que sí sabemos, sin discusión, es que el proceso guerrillero de 1960 al
1966, costó las vidas de por lo menos tres mil cubanos de ambos lados de la
contienda, causó el presidio de miles de otros, y afectó la vida de una
nación entera.

http://www.neoliberalismo.com/escambray.htm
genealvarez
2006-06-25 16:54:19 UTC
Permalink
Revolutionary means effecting a drastic change. Counter is against, no
particular morality is implied. Semantic arguments do not demonstrate
anything about the specifics of the case.

Dictators are bad. Batista was bad, Castro worse. The people who want to
overthrow Castro are not automatically good. The enemy of your enemy is not
necessarily your friend.
Post by PL
Post by Barry Schier
Barry Schier >
Post by PL
Post by Barry Schier
(5) Thus, almost all of the original members representing the privileged
class in the cabinet established after the revolution
triumphed quickly resigned and fled to Florida after they discovered that
the Cuban Revolution and its leadetrship
You mean Castro and the communists seized power and started their
repression.
Lots of revolutionaries and peasants took up arms again in the "Escambray
reballion", no.
Castro needed lots of Russian aid to stop that.
PL, although he has greater fluency in far more languages than I can
read, seems not to have the foggiest notion in any language about how
to distinguish "revolutionaries" from "counterrevolutionaries"
Nope.
I am not as dogmatically handicapped as you bare.
One persons "revolutionary" is another's "counterrevolutionary".
For example: the anti- Batista fighters were revolutionaries fighting for
the restoration of the 1940 constitution.
Castro and his communist allies - previously allies of Batista - moved
against the revolutionaries in a "counter-revolution" to establish a
Stalinist system.
More info on the true aims of the Cuban revolution a&nd the role of the
http://www.cubaverdad.net/revolution.htm
Post by Barry Schier
Hint: Those fighting for the OVERTURN of a system based on inequality
are revolutionaries,
Like the men fighting Batista and like those opposed to Castro and his
"apartheid" system.
http://www.cubaverdad.net/apartheid_in_cuba.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/links_to_human_rights_reports.htm
Post by Barry Schier
and those fighting for the RETURN
on continuance
Post by Barry Schier
of a system
based on inequality are counterrevolutionaries
T.Schmidt
2006-06-25 17:00:41 UTC
Permalink
Excellent posting, short and to the point.

T.Schmidt
----------------------------------------------
Post by genealvarez
Revolutionary means effecting a drastic change. Counter is against, no
particular morality is implied. Semantic arguments do not demonstrate
anything about the specifics of the case.
Dictators are bad. Batista was bad, Castro worse. The people who want to
overthrow Castro are not automatically good. The enemy of your enemy is not
necessarily your friend.
Post by PL
Post by Barry Schier
Barry Schier >
Post by PL
Post by Barry Schier
(5) Thus, almost all of the original members representing the privileged
class in the cabinet established after the revolution
triumphed quickly resigned and fled to Florida after they discovered that
the Cuban Revolution and its leadetrship
You mean Castro and the communists seized power and started their
repression.
Lots of revolutionaries and peasants took up arms again in the "Escambray
reballion", no.
Castro needed lots of Russian aid to stop that.
PL, although he has greater fluency in far more languages than I can
read, seems not to have the foggiest notion in any language about how
to distinguish "revolutionaries" from "counterrevolutionaries"
Nope.
I am not as dogmatically handicapped as you bare.
One persons "revolutionary" is another's "counterrevolutionary".
For example: the anti- Batista fighters were revolutionaries fighting for
the restoration of the 1940 constitution.
Castro and his communist allies - previously allies of Batista - moved
against the revolutionaries in a "counter-revolution" to establish a
Stalinist system.
More info on the true aims of the Cuban revolution a&nd the role of the
http://www.cubaverdad.net/revolution.htm
Post by Barry Schier
Hint: Those fighting for the OVERTURN of a system based on inequality
are revolutionaries,
Like the men fighting Batista and like those opposed to Castro and his
"apartheid" system.
http://www.cubaverdad.net/apartheid_in_cuba.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/links_to_human_rights_reports.htm
Post by Barry Schier
and those fighting for the RETURN
on continuance
Post by Barry Schier
of a system
based on inequality are counterrevolutionaries
Barry Schier
2006-06-25 21:01:46 UTC
Permalink
Post by PL
Post by Barry Schier
Barry Schier >
Post by PL
Post by Barry Schier
(5) Thus, almost all of the original members representing the privileged
class in the cabinet established after the revolution
triumphed quickly resigned and fled to Florida after they discovered that
the Cuban Revolution and its leadership
You mean Castro and the communists seized power and started their
repression.
Lots of revolutionaries and peasants took up arms again in the "Escambray
reballion", no.
Castro needed lots of Russian aid to stop that.
PL, although he has greater fluency in far more languages than I can
read, seems not to have the foggiest notion in any language about how
to distinguish "revolutionaries" from "counterrevolutionaries"
Nope.
I am not as dogmatically handicapped as you bare.
One person's "revolutionary" is another's "counterrevolutionary".
For example: the anti- Batista fighters were revolutionaries fighting for
the restoration of the 1940 constitution.
Castro and his communist allies - previously allies of Batista - moved
against the revolutionaries in a "counter-revolution" to establish a Stalinist system.
More [dis]info[rmation] on the true aims of the Cuban revolution and
the role of the
 http://www.cubaverdad.net/revolution.htm
(1) Much to the regret of those who slander and libel the Cuban
Revolution and its leadership (and set up a Web site for doing so),
there is a body of works published in which the principal figures of
the Cuban Revolution explain their ideas IN THEIR OWN WORDS (as opposed
to the distortion of words and ideas -- under the pretext of providing
“information” -- that has become a rather profitable cottage
industry in and near Miami’s Little Havana, Washington’s Capitol
Hill, and academic institutions -- as well as a hobby / obsession for a
“PL” in some household somewhere in Belgium).

(2) Pathfinder Press (www.pathfinderpress.com) (among other roles and
topics) specializes in publishing works about / by revolutionists and
revolutions IN THEIR OWN WORDS. Pathfinder Press publishes (among
other works) the writings and speeches of “Che” Guevara, Fidel
Castro, and several lesser known Cuban Rebel Army leaders and
historical figures / leaders (e.g., Che’s close associate Harry
“Pombo” Villegas, etc.)

(3) [In original message] Hint: Those fighting for the OVERTURN of a
system based on inequality are revolutionaries,
 Like the men fighting Batista and like those opposed to Castro and
his "apartheid" system.
Post by PL
http://www.cubaverdad.net/apartheid_in_cuba.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/links_to_human_rights_reports.htm
Post by Barry Schier
and those fighting for the RETURN or continuance of a system
based on inequality are counterrevolutionaries.
(4) How ironic that the word “apartheid” should be used by those
who had condemned Nelson Mandela and the organization which he led
(i.e., ANC / African National Congress) as “terrorist” during the
time they were fighting against the since-overthrown apartheid regime
of South Africa. The ONLY place where Nelson Mandela received anything
but a rousing, overwhelming welcome during his 199_ United States tour
was in the epicenter of anti-Cuba / gusano politics, Miami (and, of
course, in his meetings with U.S. rulers, e.g., when, in response to a
remark former-President Bush make about Mandela’s personal and other
friendship with Fidel Castro and other leaders of Cuba, Mandela
ever-so-politely lambasted Daddy Bush for telling him and the South
African people whom their friends could or should be).

(5) A book containing speeches by both Nelson Mandela and Fidel Castro,
“How Far We Slaves Have Come,” published by Pathfinder Press
(199_), provides Nelson Mandela’s own words (as opposed to PL’s
deceptive cynical synopsis summary ) about what that Nobel laureate /
leader REALLY says about Cuba’s role in helping with the process that
brought about the defeat of the apartheid system.

(6) One further observation I can make as one of about 1,111+ poeple
who at the convention that founded the National Student Coalition
Against Racism (an organization which played a role in the fight for
campus divestment of investments in companies doing business in
apartheid South Africa during the roughly dozen years of its existence)
is that although American and English and German and Japanese companies
dominated the South African skylines and markets during apartheid days,
Belgian businesses had smaller fingers in the pie of profits derived
from racist oppression, and "businessmen" (and businesswomen as well)
throughout the capitalist nations (and especially in the United Stats
and United Kingdom) were complaining that the protestors demanding
divestment were against the sacred “freedom” of capitalists to
invest wherever they choose, Cuba was dispatching 375,000+ troops over
a period of more than a dozen years to fight in Angola against the
apartheid regime and UNITA (i.e., the surrogate forces supplied /
favoring and acting in the interests of the governments of apartheid
South Africa and the United States). At least PL has “progressed”
to now placing “apartheid” in quotation marks when referring to
Cuba.

(Per Webster’s dictionary (1996) (New York: Random House)
“Revolution” 2. “Sociology. A radical and pervasive change in
society and the social structure, esp. one made suddenly and often
accompanied by violence.” A multiyear guerrilla fight successfully
toppling a brutal U.S.-backed dictator and ending domination of the
country by foreign (especially Yankee) interests through nationalizing
foreign holdings certainly meets that criterion. After the triumph
over the counterrevolutionary forces at the Bay of Pigs, the
revolutionary leadership (with Fidel Castro as its principal spokesman)
announced that Cuba would consciously be headed in a socialist
direction and towards equality. A pervasive land reform program
guaranteeing land to those who till it while prohibiting absentee land
ownership, abolition of “right” of private companies or private
individuals to hire / exploit labor (other than family members) or to
sell land or buildings for profit or to charge interest, a change to a
planned economy instead of rule by “the market” (including
abolishing the stock market and almost all forms of inheritance of
anything but personal items), establishment of guaranteed social
benefits (including FREE universal education and health care) and
reduced prices for necessities (including limited of one’s rent to no
more than 10% of monthly income) is certainly a “… radical and
pervasive change in society and the social structure.”

“Counterevolution” “1. a revolution against a government
recently established by a revolution.” (The current government of
Cuba was established by a revolution, 1959 is certainly within my
lifetime, and I’m not that old.)

“Counterrevolutionary” :”2. opposing a revolution or
revolutionary government. / 3. (also, counterrevolutionist) a person
who advocates or engages in a counterevolution.” 17,000 Web messages
plus a Web site devoted to attacking the Cuban Revolution and its
leaders certainly meets the criteria of definitions #2 and #3.

Revolution vs. counterrevolution is not a subjective call, but a matter
of where one stands in the conflict of classes fighting for different
social systems corresponding to their interests. "Marxists have no
interests separate and distinct from those of their class, the working
class." __

Marxists (including Marx himself in :The Communist Manifesto" note that
capitalism was once a revolutionary system, fighting for the goals of
the “bourgeois revolutions” of which the 1770s American Revolution
and the French Revolution are the best examples. Just a fresh fruit is
healthy and needed while decaying fruit is repulsive and a hazard,
capitalism (especially American capitalism), which started as a
revolutionary, progressive socioeconomic system, has decayed and become
worse than rotten.
(1.1) In order to establish "freedom of trade," the representatives of
ascending capitalist class led a fight against foreign domination and
for freedoms outlined (among other places) in the “Bill of Rights”
(2.1) The country that was the first to successfully fight for win
national independence from a foreign power is the foremost imperialist
power. In the course of a century, the United States government has
used is military to intervene in and/or occupy foreign countries more
than 100 times; usually leaving and establishing puppet regimes when
its the troops depart (e.g., in Nicaragua, several decades of the
dynasty of the Somoza dictatorship)
(2.1.1) Instead of establishing democracy and freedom and respecting
popular election results, the United States government (through the
C.I..A.) engineered the overthrow of popular regimes, replacing them
with brutal, but “pro-American” dictatorships (e.g., the Shah of
Iran in 1953, a series of genocidal tyrants in Guatemala City since
1954, the post-Joulart era (1964-c. 1985) of severe repression in
Brazil, Chile’s Pinochet in 1973, etc.)
(2.1.2) Moreover, the list of dictators kept in power through U.S. arms
reads like a telephone directory of dictators in recent Latin American
and Caribbean history (e.g., 3 decades of dictatorship of Paraguay’s
Stroessner, a double dose of Duvaliers, “Papa Doc” and “Baby
Doc” whose plundering of the country for personal gain was exceeded
only by the plundering of the country for Wall Street’s gain.
(2.1.3) So much for capitalism as the “motor of freedom”!
(2.1.4) What has changed recently is that U.S. imperialism, which used
to be able to use its overwhelming military might and materiel to
virtually always get its way
(2.1.5) The Korean War was the U.S. government’s first stalemate.
(2.1.6) In an era when those in African and Asian countries fought for
and eventually won an end the direct rule of their country by their
former colonial masters and/or occupation by foreign powers (e.g.,
Vietnam), there was also a fight against the indirect domination by a
foreign power: The Cuban Revolution not only kicked out a U.S.-backed
dictator (Batista), but ended the domination of the country by
“nationalizing] the Yankees down to the nails of their boots.”

(1.2) A couple of centuries ago, the founders of U.S. country led a
rebellion against monarchist absolutism, and in order to establish the
basis for the free market system in agriculture (i.e., individual
farmers selling their goods on the market), the capitalists overturned
serfdom and domination of warlords.
(2.2) Instead of fighting against domination of warlords and for the
abolition of semi-feudal institutions, U.S. troops are to be in
Afghanistan until they can ensure that a “friendly” force rules
that country; use your multi-year calendar (or methods for tracking
geologic time) -- and not your stopwatch -- in order to determine the
likely date for voluntary U.S. withdrawal.
(2.2.1) Unlike other countries, wherein the U.S. government instantly
begin engineering a coup as soon as a popular leader takes power, many
key United States rulers initially welcomed the 1959 overthrow of Cuban
dictator Batista, because they had thought that his replacement for a
corrupt tyrant who frequently extracted bribes as the price for doing
business in Cuba would be the Fidel Castro who was an individual from a
wealthy background who ran as a candidate for one of the ruling class
parties (i.e., the Orthodox Party) at the time of Batista’s coup.
Unlike Che Guevara, who was already a Marxist, Fidel Castro had not yet
evolved from a individual sympathetic to the ideas of many radical
writers (including Marx) to a revolutionary socialist (“Marxist”).
As soon as the Cuban government proposed and implemented an
agricultural reform program – which included distributed of land to
landless peasants – the United States government and ruling class
united against the then newly established revolutionary government, and
has been working overtime to overthrow the Cuban Revolution ever since.

(1.3) A couple of centuries ago, in order to spread their thoughts to
mobilize people and provide for the preconditions of commodity
production, the capitalist class rallied and organized for freedom of
the press and “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity” and rallied for end
to the domination of the Church over the daily lives of people.
(2.3) “Liberty / Equality / Fraternity” (although a French slogan,
rather than an American one) is now the 2nd highest number of prisoners
in the world at home plus prisoners tortured and/or held indefitiitely
without charges at U.S. detention facilities Abu Ghraib (since moved),
Guatanamo Bay, etc. / an average of 77% of wages that a man gets for
doing the same job (and similar statistics for racial discrimination in
the United States) / and 50% of U.S. private sector workers wanting to
join an union, but only 8% actually now in unions, due to employer /
government policies. (So much for “freedom of associatiion.”)
(2.3.1.) In Cuba, by contrast, membership in several organizations
defending one’s collective self-interest is the rule, rather than the
exception, with about a 97% unionization rate and a women’s (rights)
organization (Cuban Women’s Federation / FMC) with a membership of a
few million.
(2.3.2) Instead of major gaps between the genders and races and lack of
an Equal Rights Amendment, discriminatory practices were outlawed as
fast as the legislators of a post-Revolution Cuba could write and pass
them. (No wonder why 95% of those who “fled” to Miami during the
early years of the Cuban Revolution were white!)
(2.3.3) In contrast to a pre-Revolutionary situation wherein domestic
servant and prostitute were the main “employment options” open to
Cuban women, women in the workforce is now the expectation, rather than
the exception, in Cuba (save for during the rather generous maternity
leave). More than half of Cuba’s doctors, engineers, nurses,
teachers, and technicians are women.
(2.3.4.) Instead of boasting about a 29% female legislature (higher
than in any country except some Scandinavian ones), the Cuban
leadership acknowledges that even that figure is short of 50% and has
been consciously trying to come up with ways to overcome widespread
biases and make gender and racial equality closer to a reality. (Of
course, doing so is easier said than done: The Cuban
government-initiated campaign to urge men to contribute a near-equal
share in doing household chores did quite a few male volunteers -- who
distributed many quite convincing materials advocating such changes,
and then came home to do what they had been doing while their wives
prepared dinner, etc., for them.)
(2.4) The class that had during the time of Copernicus and Galileo had
allied itself with science in the fight against the powerful forces who
had made religion trump science in the sphere of education and research
(especially in astronomy) is now the class (especially in the U.S.A.)
that is split on how far to push its offensive against teaching of
evolution in the schools. (To be fair to the ruling class, there’s
been amazing educational progress insofar as they’ve reached
consensus that, for all curricula and classrooms, the earth and planets
revolve around the sun, and instead of everything revolving around the
earth Ah, the march of progress!) Instead of the “wall of separation
of church and state” advocated by (2nd U.S.) President Thomas
Jefferson and incorporated into the U.S. Constitution and case law,
there’s sneaking in religion through the back door through
governmental “faith-based initiative programs.” (I forget whether
the motto that appears on all U.S. currency is “In Bush we trust.”)


(Remainder to be covered later)

 Barry Schier
PL
2006-06-25 21:31:37 UTC
Permalink
Post by Barry Schier
Post by Barry Schier
Barry Schier >
(snip)
Post by Barry Schier
Post by Barry Schier
Nope.
I am not as dogmatically handicapped as you bare.
One person's "revolutionary" is another's "counterrevolutionary".
For example: the anti- Batista fighters were revolutionaries fighting for
the restoration of the 1940 constitution.
Castro and his communist allies - previously allies of Batista - moved
against the revolutionaries in a "counter-revolution" to establish a Stalinist system.
More [dis]info[rmation]
Nope.
You yourself have admitted that the true Cuban revolution (anti-Batista) was
not communists.
But then so have Che and Castro.
Post by Barry Schier
on the true aims of the Cuban revolution and
the role of the
See:
http://www.cubaverdad.net/revolution.htm
Post by Barry Schier
(1) Much to the regret of those who slander and libel the Cuban
Revolution and its leadership (and set up a Web site for doing so),
there is a body of works published in which the principal figures of
the Cuban Revolution explain their ideas IN THEIR OWN WORDS
(snip)

admit that the revolution was not communist.

From the International Socialist Review:



Cuba had been run by dictator Fulgencio Batista since 1934. His regime was
corrupt and brutal. Although fully supported by the U.S., Batista was hated
by everyone except for his immediate collaborators and hangers-on. In the
late 1950s, this regime had no true left opposition. Gangsters ran the
unions. The Communist Party (CP)-known at the time as the Popular Socialist
Party (PSP)-was, like other Communist Parties of the 1930s, a useful
instrument of Stalin's foreign policy. However, the PSP had decomposed far
more than the average CP. It was linked to the Batista regime to such an
extent that Castro could say,

What right does Señor Batista have to speak of Communism? After all, in the
elections of 1940 he was the candidate of the Communist Party.his portrait
hung next to [Communist leaders] Blas Roca's and Lazaro Peña's; and half a
dozen ministers and confidants of his are leading members of the CP.(10)


The opposition to Batista that existed in the cities was overwhelmingly
middle class, organized around the Instituciones Cívicas. Another component
of the opposition was the student movement-also middle-class oriented.
Although it would be a mistake to say that workers did not participate in
opposition activity, their participation was not independent. Instead of
putting forward their own class demands, workers were participants in a
movement that was united in its shared hatred of Batista's regime.
Castro's July 26th Movement was made up for the most part of intellectuals,
students, professionals and a limited number of peasants. Not only were its
members mostly middle class, but its politics were decidedly middle class,
too. It emphasized modest land reform and the development of Cuban
capitalism without the obstructions of big business or imperialism. The
guerrilla movement began its life in 1953 with an attack on the Moncada
Barracks. In 1956, it re-launched its guerrilla struggle when it took to the
Sierra Maestra mountains. The guerrilla strategy was one that explicitly
rejected workers as the main revolutionary force. Che Guevara-who later
became the worldwide symbol of guerrilla struggle-considered Cuban workers
to be complacent and bought off by the system. In fact, he considered the
cities an obstacle in the struggle:

It is more difficult to prepare guerrilla bands in those countries that have
undergone a concentration of population in great centers and have
developed light and medium industry.The ideological influence of the cities
inhibits the guerrilla struggle.11


In the first year of the revolution, Guevara explicitly denied its class
character:

"The Cuban revolution is not a class revolution, but a liberation movement
that has overthrown a dictatorial, tyrannical government."12

10 Quoted in H. M. Enzenburguer, Raids and Reconstructions: Essays on
Politics, Crime, and Culture (London: Pluto Press, 1976), p. 200.

11 Quoted in T. Cliff, Deflected Permanent Revolution (London:
Bookmarks,1986), pp. 14-15. Originally in C. Guevara, "Cuba: Exceptional
Case?"Monthly Review (NY), July/August 1961, pp. 65-66.

12 Che Guevara Speaks: Selected Speeches and Writings, G. Lavan ed. (New
York: Pathfinder, 1967), p. 13.

See: http://www.isreview.org/issues/11/cuba_crisis.shtml



From: Is Cuba socialist? a debate on a Socialist website in the UK



There are four main arguments that Cuba is some kind of socialism: all of
them are without foundation. The first argument is that Cuba is socialist
because the revolution was led by people who now call themselves Communists.
Yet you only have to look at the July 26th movement before 1959 to see that
is wrong. Their programme was for the restoration of the 1940 Constitution,
in other words for a bourgeois-democratic republic. They said in their
manifesto that nationalisation was a "cumbersome instrument" and that Cuba
would be "a loyal ally" of their Northern neighbour. Castro himself said in
an interview in 1970 that, "In 1959 there was no class consciousness, only
class instinct, which is not the same thing", and referred to the revolution
in the early months of 1959 as neither capitalist nor socialist but "olive
green". The Castroites labelled the Communist Party "totalitarian". They
were certainly no mass party. There were 81 fighters on the Granma; only 300
at the battle of Santa Clara; and around 1500 overall. In terms of
composition, the July 26th movement was a mixture of middle class leaders
like Castro, some workers and youth, but mostly class elements. In no sense,
by its programme, size or composition was it a mass socialist party.

Some commentators have said that the socialist element was provided by the
involvement of the Communist Party, which by the fifties was called the
Popular Socialist Party, the PSP. Although they had been in the previous
period the largest and most influential Communist Party in Latin America,
they were also the most cravenly opportunist, and the most Stalinist,
following every twist and turn in Russian foreign policy and adapting to
their Cuban milieu. They were sectarian in opposing the general strike in
1933 which brought down the dictator Machado. Later their popular front
strategy led them to gain two ministers under Batista after forming an
alliance with him after 1938. They spoke of having a "positive attitude
towards the progressive endeavours" of Batista in his first period in power.
Even into the fifties, though the CP had been repressed by their former
ally, they referred to the July 26th movement as "putschists and sterile".
Although they came to some understanding with Castro from 1957 and sent
cadres to fight with the guerrillas, they were still formally calling for a
bourgeois government to replace Batista into the middle of 1958, only months
before Castro took power. This was hardly the programme or actions of a
revolutionary socialist party that sought to lead the working class to
power.

Finally, look at the manner of the seizure of power. After a two year
guerrilla campaign, in the major battle of the war at Santa Clara in the
last days of 1958, only 6 guerrillas and 300 soldiers died. Batista himself
fled. There was not even a battle for the capital, Havana. There were no
Soviets, few factory committees or occupations. The last general strike in
April 1958 was a failure, and there were no organs of dual power. The
workers were largely passive. The general strike in the first week of
January 1959 was a public holiday. Batista's rule had already collapsed. No
one in 1959, not even Castro or Guevara, said the revolution was socialist,
and the revolution was not led by conscious socialists, whatever Fidel's
later protestations. The 26th July movement stood for mild reforms, which
could not be achieved because of Batista's dictatorship and the domination
of American imperialism, hence the necessity of guerrilla war. The new
government in 1959 was a petty bourgeois government, but one which ruled a
country with a peculiar class structure and American hegemony. It was not
socialist. To argue it was socialist in hindsight is to reach the absurd
conclusion that a socialist revolution can be made without the active agency
of the working class or without a conscious Marxist party.



See: http://archive.workersliberty.org/wlmags/wl54/cuba.htm



The Cuban Revolution
A Critical Perspective
by Sam Dolgoff



The Character of the Cuban Revolution

A Non-Social Revolution

The myth, induced by the revolutionary euphoria of the pro-Castro left, that
a genuine social-revolution took place in Cuba, is based on a number of
major fallacies. Among them is the idea that a social revolution can take
place in a small semi-developed island, a country with a population of about
eight million, totally dependent for the uninterrupted flow of vital
supplies upon either of the great super-powers, Russia or the U.S. They
assume falsely that these voracious powers will not take advantage of Cuba's
situation to promote their own selfish interests. There can be no more
convincing evidence of this tragic impossibility than Castro's sycophantic
attitude toward his benefactor, the Soviet Union, going so far as to applaud
Russia's invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, a crime certainly on a par with
the military coup in Chile, which Castro rightfully condemned. To assume,
furthermore, that the Cuban social revolution can be miraculously achieved
without simultaneous uprisings in Latin America and elsewhere, is both naive
and irresponsible.

Nationalization Versus Socialism

To equate nationalization of the economy and social services instituted from
above by the decree "revolutionary government" or a caudillo, with true
socialism is a dangerous illusion. Nationalization and similar measures,
under the name of "welfareism," are common. They are widespread, and in many
cases deep-going programs, instituted by democratic "welfare" states or
"benevolent" dictators as an antidote to revolution, and are by no means
equtvalent to socialism.

Russia and Cuba: Two Revolutions Compared

Another fallacy about the nature of the Cuban Revolution can perhaps be best
illustrated by contrasting the early stages of the Russian Revolution of
1917 with the Cuban events. Analogies between the Russian and Cuban
Revolutions--like analogies in general--fail to take into account certain
important differences:

Czarism was OVERTHROWN by the spontaneous revolts of the peasant and
proletarian masses only after a prolonged and bloody civil war.

In Cuba, the Batista regime COLLAPSED WITHOUT A STRUGGLE for lack of popular
support. There were no peasant revolts. No general strikes. Theodor Draper
(and many other observers) argues persuasively that since there were at
least "500,000 agricultural workers in Cuba" there could not have been many
peasants in a

. . . guerrilla force that never amounted to more than a thousand. . . there
was nothing comparable in Cuba to the classic peasant revolution led by
Zapata in Mexico in 1910. . . there was no national peasant uprising.
Outside the immediate vicinity of the guerrilla forces, revolutionary
activity, in the country as a whole, was largely a middle class phenomenon,
with some working class support, but without working class
organizations...(Castroism: Theory and Practice; New York, 1965, p. 74-75)
[This takes on added significance when we consider that the unions comprised
ONE MILLION out of a total population of about six million when the
Revolution began, Jan. 1, 1959.]

In Russia, the masses made the social revolution BEFORE the establishment of
the Bolshevik government. Lenin climbed to power by voicing the demands of,
and legalizing the social revolutionary DEEDS of the workers and peasants:
"All Power to the Soviets," "The Land to the Peasants," "The Factories to
the Workers," etc. In Cuba, Castro, for fear of losing popular support,
carefully avoided a social-revolutionary platform--assuming that he had one.
Unlike Lenin, he came to power because he promised to put into effect the
bourgeois-democratic program.

History is full of unexpected twists and turns. Ironically enough, these two
different revolutions had similar results: Both Lenin and Castro betrayed
their respective revolutions, instituted totalitarian regimes and ruled by
decree from above.

The well-known anarcho-syndicalist writer and activist, Augustin Souchy,
makes a cogent comparison between the Spanish Revolution (1936-1939) and the
Cuban Revolution (both of which he personally witnessed):

. . . while in Spain, the confiscation of the land and the organization of
the collectives was initiated and carried through, by the peasants
themselves; in Cuba, social-economic transformation was initiated, not by
the people, but by Castro and his comrades-in-arms. It is this distinction
that accounts for the different development of the two revolutions; Spain,
mass revolution from the bottom up; Cuba, revolution from the top down by
decree . . . (see Cuba. An Eyewitness Report, below)

Which brings to mind the celebrated phrase of the "Apostle" of Cuban
independence Jose Marti: "To Change the Master Is Not To Be Free."

Revolution the Latin American Way

The Cuban Revolution draws its specific character from a variety of sources.
While not a Latin American "palace revolution" which produced no deep seated
social changes, it nevertheless relates to the tradition of miltarism and
bogus paternalism of Latin American "Caudillismo," the "Man on Horseback."
"Caudillismo"--"right" or "left," "revolutionary" or "reactionary"--is a
chronic affliction in Latin America since the wars for independence
initiated by Simon Bolivar in 1810. The "revolutionary caudillo" Juan Peron
of Argentina, catapulted to power by "leftist" army officers, was deposed by
"rightist" military officers. Maurice Halperin calls attention to the ". . .
expropriation of vast properties in Peru in 1968 and in Bolivia in 1969 by
the very generals who had destroyed Cuban supported guerrilla uprisings in
their respective countries. . . " (The Rise and Fall of Fidel Castro;
University of California, 1972, p. 118)

The militarization of Cuban society by a revolutionary dictatorship headed
by the "Caudillo" of the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro follows, in general,
the Latin American pattern. Like other revolutionary Latin American
"Caudillos, " Castro would come to power only on the basis of programs
designed to win the indispensable support of the masses. Edwin Lieuwen
marshalls impressive evidence:

. . . In Chile in 1924, Major Carlos Ibanez established a military
dictatorship [that] was notably successful in combining authoritarian rule
with policies aimed at meeting popular demands for greater social justice.
Successful but short lived revolutions took place during 1936 under the
leadership of radical young officers inspired by ideas of social reform and
authoritarian nationalism. . In Bolivia a clique of radical young officers
came to power. Major David Toro and Colonel German Busch successfully headed
regimes that had social revolution as their goals. . . they catered to

the downtrodden and pledged to build a new nation. Toro and Busch based
their dictatorial regimes on attempts to win mass support ... (Arms and
Politics in Latin America; New York, 1961, pgs. 60, 62, 78, 79)

When in 1968, a "revolutionary" military Junta seized power in Peru, the new
military government proclaimed the fundamental principle underlying all
"radical" military regimes":

. . . the final aim of the State, being the welfare of the nation; and the
armed forces being the instrument which the State uses to impose its
policies, therefore, . . . in order to arrive at collective prosperity, the
armed forces have the mission to watch over the social welfare, the final
aim of the State... (quoted, Modes of Political Change in Latin America, ed.
Paul Sigmund, New York, 1970, p. 201)

Dr. Carlos Delgado, Director of the Information Bureau of the Revolutionary
Government of Peru, after stressing that the revolution was " . . .
initiated from above" by decree, boasted that the dictatorship in "...the
last four and a half years" accomplished more for the betterment of the
people than in the "whole epoch of Republican rule." The revolution was
hailed, boasted Delgado, even by the French Marxist thinker, Henri Lefebvre,
as one of the most important historical events of the contemporary world..."
(see Reconstruir, anarchist bi-monthly, Buenos Aires, Nov.-Dec. 1974)

There is an umbilical connection between militarism and the State, fully
compatible with, and indispensable to, all varieties of State
"socialism"--or more accurately State Capitalism. George Pendle (and other
observers) with respect to Peron's social and welfare programs initiated to
woo mass support concludes that:

...Peron's National Institute of Social Security...converted Argentina to
one of the most advanced countries in South America. . . it was not
surprising that the majority of workers preferred Peron to their traditional
leaders...they felt that Peron accomplished more for them in a few years
than the Socialist Party achieved in decades...(Argentina; Oxford University
Press, London, 1965, pas. 97, 99)

. . . In Havana Premier Fidel Castro proclaimed three days of mourning and
Cuban officials termed Peron's death a blow to all Latin America. . .(New
York Times, July 2, 1974) This cynical proclamation was not made solely for
tactical reasons, but in recognition of the affinity between the Castro and
Peron regimes. As early as 1961, there were already informal contacts
between Che Guevara and Angel Borlenghi "... a number two man in Peron's
government and his Minister of the Interior for eight years ... Che told
Borlenghi that there's no question about it that Peron was the most advanced
embodiment of political and economic reform in Argentina ... and under Che's
guidance a rapport was established between the Cuban Revolution and the
Peronist movement ... Che has in his possession a letter from Peron
expressing admiration for Castro and the Cuban Revolution and Che had raised
the question of inviting Peron to settle in Havana . . . " (quoted by
Halperin, from Ricardo Rojo's work, My Friend Che; ibid. p. 329-330)

Herbert Matthews supplements Rojo's revelations:...the Argentine journalist
Jorge Massetti who went into the Sierra Maestra in 1958, became friends with
Guevara. He was trained for guerrilla warfare in the Sierra Maestra and in
1964 was killed in a guerrilla raid in Argentina . . . Massetti was credited
with convincing Guevara that Peronism approximated his own ideas. Hilda
Gadea--Guevara's first wife--wrote that for Ernesto Guevara, the fall of
Peron Sept. 1955 was a heavy blow. Che and Massetti blamed it,...'on North
American Imperialists'...(ibid. p. 258)

[Carmelo Mesa-Lago notes the connection between State Socialism and
militarism. Castro enthusiastically hailed] " . . . the Peruvian Social
Revolution as a progressive military group playing a revolutionary role. .
." (Cuba in the 1970s: University of New Mexico Press, 1975, p. 11]) In an
interview, Castro emphatically maintained that social revolution is
compatible with military dictatorship, not only in Peru, but also in
Portugal and Panama.

[When the military junta in Peru] took power...the first thing they did was
to implement agrarian reform which was MUCH MORE RADICAL than the agrarian
reform we initiated in Cuba. It put a much lower limit on the size of
properties; organized cooperatives, agricultural communities; . . . they
also pushed in other fields--in the field of education, social development,
industrialization. . . We must also see the example of Portugal where the
military played a decisive role in political change. . .and are on their way
to finding solutions. . . we have Peru and Panama--where the military are
acting as catalysts in favor of the revolution. . . (Castro quoted by Frank
and Kirby Jones, With Fidel; New York, 1975, p. 195-196)

[The evidence sustains Donald Druze's conclusion that] . . . the programs of
modern 'caudillos' embodies so many features of centralism and National
Socialism, that it almost inevitably blends into communism...(Latin America:
An interpretive History; New York, 1972, p. 570)

Militarism flourishes in Cuba as in Latin America. Castro projected
militarism to a degree unequalled by his predecessor, Batista: total
domination of social, economic and political life. In the Spring of 1959, a
few months after the Revolution of January 1st, Castro, who appointed
himself the "Lider Maximo" ("Caudillo") of the Revolution and
Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, promised to cut the size of the army
in half and ultimately to disband and replace it by civilian militias and
police. "The last thing I am," said Castro, "is a military man . . . ours is
a country without generals and colonels. . . "

Within a year after the disintegration of the Batista Army, Castro turned
Cuba into a thoroughly militarized state, with the most formidable armed
force of any in Latin America. For the first time in Cuban history,
compulsory military service was instituted. Now, Cuba has adopted the
traditional hierarchical ranking system of conventional armies. The Cuban
army differs in no essential respect from the armies of both "capitalist"
and "socialist" imperialist powers.

"Communism" a la Castro

Insofar as relations with the communists are concerned, Theodore Draper
notes the striking resemblance between the policies of Batista and Castro:

. . . Batista paid off the communists for their support, by among other
things, permitting them to set up an official trade union federation, the
Confederacion de Trabajadores de Cuba (CTC) with Lazaro Pena as its
Secretary-General. In 1961, Castro paid off the communists for their
support, by, among other things, permitting Lazaro Pena to come back
officially as Secretary General of the CTC...(ibid. p. 204)

If we accept at face value Castro's conversion to "communism," his
"communism" embodies the Latin American version of Stalinism, absolute
personal dictatorship. But "Caudillos" are not primarily ideologues. They
are, above all, political adventurers. In their lust for power, they are not
guided by ethical considerations, as they claim. In this respect, there is
no essential difference between capitalist states and "revolutionary
socialist states." All dictators conceal their true visage behind the facade
of a political party, paying lip service to goals supposedly popular with
the masses. Castro became a "communist" because he considered that his
survival in power depended on cementing cordial relations with his saviors,
the "socialist" countries (former enemies) and by extension with Batista's
former allies, the domestic "communists." To promote his ends, Castro
established relations with Franco Spain and the Vatican. Nor did he hesitate
to side with the Arab oil magnates--lords over their impoverished
subjects--in the mid-east disputes, or to endorse the Russian invasion of
Czecho-Slovakia.

The Real Revolution Is Yet To Come

Albert Camus observed:

. . . the major event of the twentieth century has been the abandonment of
the values of liberty on the part of the revolutionary movement, the
weakening of Libertarian Socialism, vis-a-vis Caesarist and militaristic
socialism. Since then, a great hope has disappeared from the world, to be
replaced by a deep sense of emptiness in the hearts of all who yearn for
freedom... (Neither victims Nor Executioners)

Whether Castro is working out his own unique brand of "Cuban Socialism" is a
relatively minor question. Even if Castro had no connection with the
communist movement, his mania for personal power would lead inevitably to
the establishment of an "independent" totalitarian regime. What is decisive
is that the Cuban Revolution follows the pattern established in this century
by the aborted Russian Revolution of 1917. This pattern is the
counter-revolution of the State.



See:
http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bright/dolgoff/cubanrevolution/chapter3.html
Post by Barry Schier
Those fighting for the OVERTURN of a system based on inequality are
revolutionaries,
Post by Barry Schier
Like the men fighting Batista and like those opposed to Castro and his
"apartheid" system.
http://www.cubaverdad.net/apartheid_in_cuba.htm
http://www.cubaverdad.net/links_to_human_rights_reports.htm
and those fighting for the RETURN or continuance of a system
based on inequality are counterrevolutionaries.
(4) How ironic that the word "apartheid" should be used by those
who had condemned Nelson Mandela
(snip)

I always have opposed apartheid: in South Afric and in Cuba.
I am not a "dogmatically selective" hypocrite like you.

Cuba has three types of apartheid:

The definition of "apartheid".


a·part·heid Pronunciation (-pärtht, -ht) - noun.

1.. An official policy of racial segregation formerly practiced in the
Republic of South Africa, involving political, legal, and economic
discrimination against nonwhites.

2.. A policy or practice of separating or segregating groups.

3.. The condition of being separated from others; segregation.

[Afrikaans : Dutch apart, separate (from French à part, apart; see apart) +
Dutch -heid, -hood.]



See: http://www.thefreedictionary.com/apartheid



Apartheid is therefore defined as "a policy or practice of separating or
segregating groups". Though not required in this definition it has the
connotation that different and non-equal treatment is given to these
separate groups.

This page aims to explore the apartheid applied in Cuba by the regime of
Fidel Castro whereby Cuban nationals are physically separated and treated
differently (worse) than foreigners be they residents in Cuba or "normal" or
"health" tourists (including those in international programs like the
Venezuelan airlift).



There are three main (intertwined) forms of apartheid in Cuba:

1.. Tourist apartheid: the segregation between tourist in Cuba most
clearly seen in the beach resorts like the islands (cayos) that are
completely off limit to Cubans that do not live or work on the island.
Hotels, bars, restaurants and other tourist facilities (up to beaches) are
declared "tourist only". Unaccompanied Cubans (and even those with
foreigners) are not allowed to enter these facilities.

2.. Medical or health apartheid: whole hospitals (or floors - wings) of
hospitals are reserved for "health tourists" only. These facilities then
benefit of all investment needed and are fully stocked with medical supplies
which both are totally lacking in the "Cuban" section of the health system.

3.. Information apartheid: foreigners resident in Cuba have access
satellite dishes, e-mail, internet and cell phones access to which is
prohibited or subject to heavy restrictions for Cubans.

See: http://www.cubaverdad.net/apartheid_in_cuba.htm

(snip)
Post by Barry Schier
"Counterevolution" "1. a revolution against a government
recently established by a revolution." (The current government of
Cuba was established by a revolution, 1959 is certainly within my
lifetime, and I'm not that old.)
Nope. Castro "counterrevolution" overturned the government set up after the
revolution against Batista.
The coup of Castro and the communists ended the dreams of the restoration of
the 1940 constitution that was the stated aim of the anti-Batista
revolutionaries.

PL
Barry Schier
2006-06-26 02:27:41 UTC
Permalink
Post by PL
Post by Barry Schier
Post by Barry Schier
Barry Schier >
(snip)
Post by Barry Schier
Post by Barry Schier
Nope.
I am not as dogmatically handicapped as you bare.
One person's "revolutionary" is another's "counterrevolutionary".
For example: the anti- Batista fighters were revolutionaries fighting for
the restoration of the 1940 constitution.
Castro and his communist allies - previously allies of Batista - moved
against the revolutionaries in a "counter-revolution" to establish a
Stalinist system.
More [dis]info[rmation]
Nope.
You yourself have admitted that the true Cuban revolution (anti-Batista) was
not communists.
But then so have Che and Castro.
I have never stated nor "'admitted' that the "true [sic!!] Cuban
revolution (anti-Batista) was
not communist. As a "Trotskyist," I have stated on numerous occasions
in variants of this somewhat oversimplified version of Trotsky's
"Permanent Revolution" that is that a revolution that starts as a
revollt against the tyranny of one individual dictator (whether a czar
or a U.S.-puppet dictator named Batista), for freedoms and for rights
for landless peasants against feudal conditions (or, in Cuba's case,
latifundas), i.e., a "bourgeois" or "non-communist" revolution, set in
motion forces that begin to demand not only an end of tyranny and
oppression in the country's Capitol, but also an end to the tyranny and
oppression of capital, (i.e., end an end to the abusive rule of the
bosses of the workplace). What starts as a seemingly united rebellion
against a corrupt / brutal ruler then expands into a rebellion of
workers and farmers against their oppressive conditions. When a party
(i.e., the July 26 Movement, which Fidel Castro led) whose program
advocated modest land reforms took power (in association with others)
and reacted to landless peasants' demands by a proporsing and passing a
law with a deep, thorough-going land reform granting MORE than the
pesants had asked for, the American capitalists and their Cuban
collaborators (and especially absentee Cuban landlords) realized that
the Cuban Revolution was something other than a change of who occupied
posts and the Presidency -- and have, therefore, been viciously and
violently attacking the Cuban Revolution and its leadership ever since.


As soon as the workers and farmers establish a government of their own
--- WITHOUT a mere changing of the people at the top, but rather a
fundamental change in the social system, is happens, those who had
denounced the dictator flee and denounce the newly established people's
power and call on foreign powers to reestablish the old order. Those
who own the factories and facilities (or, during the 2092 Venezuelan
"strike" at the already-nationalized oil production facilities, those
who manage the factories and facilities) consciously try ruin
production and the economy. Update the song, "Trotsky's Red Army"
which starts, "Bankers and bosses hate the red Soviet star / Gladly,
they'll buld a new throne for the czar. / ...." give it a good 'son' /
salsa / etc. beat and "I'm a fool / For Yankee rule ..." will resonate
well in Miami and other centers where Cuban counterrevolutionaries
congregate. In my humble opinion, Gloria Estefan (whose father was in
Batista's gendarmerie -- although, unlike most of Batista's forces, in
role of a quasi-bodyguard, rather than in the role of
policeman-torturer -- and therefore hates the Cuban Revolution), has a
marvelous voice and great sense of rhythm, and therefore should compose
and sing that song.)

Che Guevara (already a militant and a Marxist), knew about this process
and consciously accelerated it; while Fidel Castro (a radical
sympathetic to, but still learning about, Marxist theory), learned
through experience and following the demands of the masses and their
organizations and organizing efforts. Thus, Fidel Castro's moves: (1)
"nationaliz[ing] the Yankees down to the nails of their boots" and (2)
(over the course of several years) moves nationalizing most domestic
businesses as well, plus (3) declaring socialism as a goal (immediately
after the defeat of the wuld-be invaders at the Giron Beach at "Bay of
Pigs" in April 1961) and (4) requesting greater collaboration with and
resources from the Soviet Union, weren't "pre-planned" nor the result
of a study of the Marxist "classics," but were defensive reactions to
the Yankees and their domestic collaborators to attack Cuba. In that
sense, and ONLY in that sense, Fidel Castro was "not a communist." .
Post by PL
Post by Barry Schier
on the true aims of the Cuban revolution and
the role of the
http://www.cubaverdad.net/revolution.htm
Post by Barry Schier
(1) Much to the regret of those who slander and libel the Cuban
Revolution and its leadership (and set up a Web site for doing so),
there is a body of works published in which the principal figures of
the Cuban Revolution explain their ideas IN THEIR OWN WORDS
(snip)
admit that the revolution was not communist.
Notwithstanding Shakespeare's dictum that "a rose by any other name
would smell just as sweet," almost all of the ruling parties (and their
electoral competitors) in the world have Orwellian names -- and stink
to high heaven.

With the exception of the Cuban Communist Party (which is the result of
the renaming of a different coalition of organizations, including
Castro's Party, when they "merged" with a much smaller pro-Moscow
organization that never used the moniker of "Communist Party", but
instead the name of Popular Socialist Party), all the parties that
called themselves "Communist Parties" were NOT comunist at all, but
rather Stalinist, collaborating with which government promised good
international relations with the Soviet Union). In the United States,
the party which calls itself the "Democratic Party" votes for and funds
wars to establish anti-democratic U.S.-backed dictatorships, proposes
and passes (in collaboration with their Repubican rivals)
anti-democratic laws, and runs most major U.S. cities and about 2 dozen
of the 50 U.S. states, where it is in charge of cutting backing cutting
services and dispatching cops to break up wrokers' picket lines. The
(U.S.) "Republican Party" backs the continuation of the rule of kings
and monarchs, esecially in the Middle East, including changing Iran
from elected, repuplican rule back to a rule by a brutal monarchy in
the 1953 C.I.A. coup which put the Shah back in power.

-- Barry Schier
Post by PL
(Remainder of message is in original, some of which, although already answered by me, will be responded to later, and is thus deleted here.).
Barry Schier
2006-06-26 02:33:14 UTC
Permalink
Post by Barry Schier
Post by PL
(snip)
Post by Barry Schier
Post by PL
Nope.
I am not as dogmatically handicapped as you bare.
One person's "revolutionary" is another's "counterrevolutionary".
For example: the anti- Batista fighters were revolutionaries fighting for
the restoration of the 1940 constitution.
Castro and his communist allies - previously allies of Batista - moved
against the revolutionaries in a "counter-revolution" to establish a
Stalinist system.
More [dis]info[rmation]
Nope.
You yourself have admitted that the true Cuban revolution (anti-Batista) was
not communists.
But then so have Che and Castro.
I have never stated nor "'admitted' that the "true [sic!!] Cuban
revolution (anti-Batista) was
not communist. As a "Trotskyist," I have stated on numerous occasions
in variants of this somewhat oversimplified version of Trotsky's
"Permanent Revolution" that is that a revolution that starts as a
revollt against the tyranny of one individual dictator (whether a czar
or a U.S.-puppet dictator named Batista), for freedoms and for rights
for landless peasants against feudal conditions (or, in Cuba's case,
latifundas), i.e., a "bourgeois" or "non-communist" revolution, set in
motion forces that begin to demand not only an end of tyranny and
oppression in the country's Capitol, but also an end to the tyranny and
oppression of capital, (i.e., end an end to the abusive rule of the
bosses of the workplace). What starts as a seemingly united rebellion
against a corrupt / brutal ruler then expands into a rebellion of
workers and farmers against their oppressive conditions. When a party
(i.e., the July 26 Movement, which Fidel Castro led) whose program
advocated modest land reforms took power (in association with others)
and reacted to landless peasants' demands by a proporsing and passing a
law with a deep, thorough-going land reform granting MORE than the
pesants had asked for, the American capitalists and their Cuban
collaborators (and especially absentee Cuban landlords) realized that
the Cuban Revolution was something other than a change of who occupied
posts and the Presidency -- and have, therefore, been viciously and
violently attacking the Cuban Revolution and its leadership ever since.
As soon as the workers and farmers establish a government of their own
--- WITHOUT a mere changing of the people at the top, but rather a
fundamental change in the social system, is happens, those who had
denounced the dictator flee and denounce the newly established people's
power and call on foreign powers to reestablish the old order. Those
who own the factories and facilities (or, during the 2092 Venezuelan
"strike" at the already-nationalized oil production facilities, those
who manage the factories and facilities) consciously try ruin
production and the economy. Update the song, "Trotsky's Red Army"
which starts, "Bankers and bosses hate the red Soviet star / Gladly,
they'll buld a new throne for the czar. / ...." give it a good 'son' /
salsa / etc. beat and "I'm a fool / For Yankee rule ..." will resonate
well in Miami and other centers where Cuban counterrevolutionaries
congregate. In my humble opinion, Gloria Estefan (whose father was in
Batista's gendarmerie -- although, unlike most of Batista's forces, in
role of a quasi-bodyguard, rather than in the role of
policeman-torturer -- and therefore hates the Cuban Revolution), has a
marvelous voice and great sense of rhythm, and therefore should compose
and sing that song.)
Che Guevara (already a militant and a Marxist), knew about this process
and consciously accelerated it; while Fidel Castro (a radical
sympathetic to, but still learning about, Marxist theory), learned
through experience and following the demands of the masses and their
organizations and organizing efforts. Thus, Fidel Castro's moves: (1)
"nationaliz[ing] the Yankees down to the nails of their boots" and (2)
(over the course of several years) moves nationalizing most domestic
businesses as well, plus (3) declaring socialism as a goal (immediately
after the defeat of the wuld-be invaders at the Giron Beach at "Bay of
Pigs" in April 1961) and (4) requesting greater collaboration with and
resources from the Soviet Union, weren't "pre-planned" nor the result
of a study of the Marxist "classics," but were defensive reactions to
the Yankees and their domestic collaborators pans and acts attacking Cuba and the Cuban Revolution. In that
sense, and ONLY in that sense, Fidel Castro was "not a communist." .
Post by PL
Post by Barry Schier
on the true aims of the Cuban revolution and
the role of the
http://www.cubaverdad.net/revolution.htm
Post by Barry Schier
(1) Much to the regret of those who slander and libel the Cuban
Revolution and its leadership (and set up a Web site for doing so),
there is a body of works published in which the principal figures of
the Cuban Revolution explain their ideas IN THEIR OWN WORDS
(snip)
admit that the revolution was not communist.
Notwithstanding Shakespeare's dictum that "a rose by any other name
would smell just as sweet," almost all of the ruling parties (and their
electoral competitors) in the world have Orwellian names -- and stink
to high heaven.
With the exception of the Cuban Communist Party (which is the result of
the renaming of a different coalition of organizations, including
Castro's Party, when they "merged" with a much smaller pro-Moscow
organization that never used the moniker of "Communist Party", but
instead the name of Popular Socialist Party), all the parties that
called themselves "Communist Parties" were NOT comunist at all, but
rather Stalinist, collaborating with which government promised good
international relations with the Soviet Union). In the United States,
the party which calls itself the "Democratic Party" votes for and funds
wars to establish anti-democratic U.S.-backed dictatorships, proposes
and passes (in collaboration with their Repubican rivals)
anti-democratic laws, and runs most major U.S. cities and about 2 dozen
of the 50 U.S. states, where it is in charge of cutting backing cutting
services and dispatching cops to break up wrokers' picket lines. The
(U.S.) "Republican Party" backs the continuation of the rule of kings
and monarchs, esecially in the Middle East, including changing Iran
from elected, repuplican rule back to a rule by a brutal monarchy in
the 1953 C.I.A. coup which put the Shah back in power.
-- Barry Schier
Post by PL
(Remainder of message is in original, some of which, although already answered by me, will be responded to later, and is thus deleted here.).
PL
2006-06-26 08:18:58 UTC
Permalink
Post by Barry Schier
Post by PL
Post by Barry Schier
Post by Barry Schier
Barry Schier >
(snip)
Post by Barry Schier
Post by Barry Schier
Nope.
I am not as dogmatically handicapped as you bare.
One person's "revolutionary" is another's "counterrevolutionary".
For example: the anti- Batista fighters were revolutionaries fighting for
the restoration of the 1940 constitution.
Castro and his communist allies - previously allies of Batista - moved
against the revolutionaries in a "counter-revolution" to establish a
Stalinist system.
More [dis]info[rmation]
Nope.
You yourself have admitted that the true Cuban revolution (anti-Batista) was
not communists.
But then so have Che and Castro.
I have never stated nor "'admitted' that the "true [sic!!] Cuban
revolution (anti-Batista) was
not communist.
Get real Barry. Adding the word "true" hides your lies, no?
The anti-Batista revolution was NOT communist, no?
Both Che and Castro have admitted so.
So do lots of Trotskyites and anarchists, no?
Only Stalinists seem to deny that fact.
http://www.cubaverdad.net/revolution.htm
Post by Barry Schier
As a "Trotskyist,"
You are no "Trot" Barry.
Trotskyites don't support a Stalinist like Castro.
Here is a true Trotskyite view on Cuba:
http://www.cubaverdad.net/stalinist_system.htm
Post by Barry Schier
a revolution that starts as a
revollt against the tyranny of one individual dictator (whether a czar
or a U.S.-puppet dictator named Batista), for freedoms and for rights
for landless peasants against feudal conditions (or, in Cuba's case,
latifundas),
But that wasn't the case in Cuba, no.
The revolution was middle class (Che once called Castro a "little Bourgeois"
in a letter) and nationalistic, not communist.
http://www.cubaverdad.net/revolution.htm

(snip)
Post by Barry Schier
What starts as a seemingly united rebellion
against a corrupt / brutal ruler then expands into a rebellion of
workers and farmers against their oppressive conditions.
Not in Cuba.
After the revolution Castro and the communists (ex allies of Batista) staged
a coup.
Post by Barry Schier
When a party
(i.e., the July 26 Movement, which Fidel Castro led) whose program
advocated modest land reforms
You mean the group of which Castro was one of the leaders won the revolution
to restore the 1940 democratic constitution.
Post by Barry Schier
took power (in association with others)
and reacted to landless peasants' demands
(snip)

by that "reaction" Castro had already eliminated most of the true leaders of
the revolution, no?
Not a "popular reaction" a all.
A pity Frank Pais died (abandoned by Castro in Santiago) as he was what
Castro was a "caudillio".
Post by Barry Schier
As soon as the workers and farmers establish a government of their own
(snip)
Nope.
Cuba is no socialist workers state.
It is a Stalinist state capitalist system.

See: Is Cuba socialist?
By
Paul Hampton of Workers' Liberty
http://www.cubaverdad.net/stalinist_system.htm
Post by Barry Schier
Che Guevara (already a militant and a Marxist),
(snip)

called Castro a "little bourgeois" in a letter during the revolution no?
Post by Barry Schier
Post by PL
Post by Barry Schier
on the true aims of the Cuban revolution and
the role of the
http://www.cubaverdad.net/revolution.htm
Post by Barry Schier
(1) Much to the regret of those who slander and libel the Cuban
Revolution and its leadership (and set up a Web site for doing so),
there is a body of works published in which the principal figures of
the Cuban Revolution explain their ideas IN THEIR OWN WORDS
(snip)
admit that the revolution was not communist.
(snip)
Post by Barry Schier
With the exception of the Cuban Communist Party (which is the result of
the renaming of a different coalition of organizations, including
Castro's Party, when they "merged" with a much smaller pro-Moscow
organization that never used the moniker of "Communist Party", but
instead the name of Popular Socialist Party), all the parties that
called themselves "Communist Parties" were NOT comunist at all,
False.
The PSP was a Stalinist communist organization that cooperated with Batista
in exchange for control of the trade uinions.
Post by Barry Schier
but
rather Stalinist,
Stalinism is the most common form of communism, Barry;
Castro uses the system and you support him.
The current PCC is the result of the "unholy" alliance between Castro and
the communists.
As he - in good caudillo style - eliminated all those that stood in his way
in the July 26 movement with the help of the communists, he then purged the
communists of those that were not submissive enough to create his "own"
party.

What Barry snipped on apartheid in Cuba:

The definition of "apartheid".

a·part·heid Pronunciation (-pärtht, -ht) - noun.

1.. An official policy of racial segregation formerly practiced in the
Republic of South Africa, involving political, legal, and economic
discrimination against nonwhites.

2.. A policy or practice of separating or segregating groups.

3.. The condition of being separated from others; segregation.

[Afrikaans : Dutch apart, separate (from French à part, apart; see apart) +
Dutch -heid, -hood.]

See: http://www.thefreedictionary.com/apartheid

Apartheid is therefore defined as "a policy or practice of separating or
segregating groups". Though not required in this definition it has the
connotation that different and non-equal treatment is given to these
separate groups.

This page aims to explore the apartheid applied in Cuba by the regime of
Fidel Castro whereby Cuban nationals are physically separated and treated
differently (worse) than foreigners be they residents in Cuba or "normal" or
"health" tourists (including those in international programs like the
Venezuelan airlift).

There are three main (intertwined) forms of apartheid in Cuba:

1.. Tourist apartheid: the segregation between tourist in Cuba most
clearly seen in the beach resorts like the islands (cayos) that are
completely off limit to Cubans that do not live or work on the island.
Hotels, bars, restaurants and other tourist facilities (up to beaches) are
declared "tourist only". Unaccompanied Cubans (and even those with
foreigners) are not allowed to enter these facilities.

2.. Medical or health apartheid: whole hospitals (or floors - wings) of
hospitals are reserved for "health tourists" only. These facilities then
benefit of all investment needed and are fully stocked with medical supplies
which both are totally lacking in the "Cuban" section of the health system.

3.. Information apartheid: foreigners resident in Cuba have access
satellite dishes, e-mail, internet and cell phones access to which is
prohibited or subject to heavy restrictions for Cubans.

See: http://www.cubaverdad.net/apartheid_in_cuba.htm


PL

Ichi
2006-06-17 16:34:26 UTC
Permalink
Do they pay you by the post?
you are stealing from your commie employers,you are spamming in order to get
more money.

"Barry Schier" <***@yahoo.com> wrote in message news:***@h76g2000cwa.googlegroups.com...
Those who falsely accuse the Cuban Revolution of having had (or having)
"secret trials" deliberately ignore one fundanemtal fact: the
overwhelming majority of those ordered executed by Cuba's revolutionary
leaders -- of which Che was key member of that team -- were the
rmembers of the police and armed forces of the brutal regime of Batista
most guilty and/or most reputed for responsibility for tortures and
abuses of that U.S.-backed regime. Having a trial in a stadium before
tens of thousands and requested televising of same is scarcely a
"secret" trial.

In their hotly-contested race to win a prize for gratest contempt for
human rights and human rignity (with their leading entry as the U.S.
Administration's claim that "enemy combatants" should not be accorded
the rights of captured combatants specified by international law and
agreements (most originating and signed in Geneva), the apologists for
Washington's foreign policies now complain about victims of combat
deaths not receiving "due process of law."

Actually, part of the strategy of the Rebel Army (led by Che Guevara
and Fidel Castro, among many others) was to release captured soldiers
after confiscating their weapons and explaining the cause and goals of
the Rebel Army, knowing that the stories of how well they were treated
by the rebel forces would undercut the motivations for their fighting
given to them by their officers, i.e., fear that the rebels would them
badly and as well as distortions about the rebel's motivations and
cause concocted by the government. Tortore of the enemy is a patent of
imperialist armies, ESPECIALLY those of the U.S. government, but also
those of other imperialist forces, including the French who fought
Algerian insurgents fighting for their country's independence. (Those
who read the history of the armed forces of PL's Belgium will think
that a halo was / is certainly not a suitable fashion accessory for
them, especially during their occupation of the Congo. A failed
attempt to organize a guerrilla movement / popular insurgency against
the brutal and corrupt regime which the U.S. established with U.N. /
Belgian help was the motivation for Che Guevara going to the Congo a
few years prior to his final, fateful mission in Bolivia.)
Lunes 1 de Agosto de 2005
Más mito que realidad / Nota I de IV
Del socialismo a marca capitalista
El Che, cada vez más mito y menos realidad.
Por Alvaro Vargas Llosa
Para LA NACION
(Vea / See original for full text of article. How comforting it is to
know that there's another Vargas Llosa whose views are as reactionary
as that of author Mario, albeit without the same writing talent.)
216 DOCUMENTED VICTIMS OF CHÉ GUEVARA IN CUBA: 1957 TO 1959
CUBA ARCHIVE
From Armando M. Lago, Ph.D.Žs
Cuba: The Human Cost of Social Revolution
Manuscript Pending Publication
The exact number of Che's victims in Cuba is unknown. Guevara is said to
have acknowledged ordering many executions -all carried out without
affording the victims due process of law. Combat deaths caused by Che
in Cuba or other countries where he led guerrilla operations have yet to
be tallied.
The following list is not exhaustive and includes only cases for which
historic reference is known -those he personally executed as well as
those killed under his orders. Names are cited as reported. Additional
details, including bibliographic information, are available for most cases.
Executed by Che in the Sierra Maestra during the anti-Batista guerrilla
struggle (1957-1958)
(List of 216 names and corresponding dates of death deleted from this
message. List of capacities / titles of executed indivdiuals did not
apear in the original message.
15 additional executions were reported by The New York Times, but names
are unknown.
"Guevara, Anatomía de un Mito", revelador documental sobre el Che
CONTACTO Magazine. Publicado el 18 de marzo de 2006.(also appeared in
original message and is deleted here in order to save space -- and save
Bromo-Seltzer. See original message for all deleted material.)
Pedro
2006-06-19 04:03:39 UTC
Permalink
Che! Camarada, tu muerte sera Vengada!!!!!!


El que rie ultimo . . .rie mejor . . .

Bolivia's president pays homage to Che Guevara
June 14, 2006

LA HIGUERA, Bolivia (Reuters) - Bolivian President Evo Morales pledged
solidarity with Cuba and Venezuela on Wednesday as he paid homage to
Ernesto "Che" Guevara at the spot where the legendary leftist guerrilla
was killed in 1967.

Morales, who has hung a large portrait of Guevara in the presidential
palace, defended his leftist alliance with Cuba and Venezuela and said he
would be willing to take up arms to defend them in the face of any U.S.
attack.

"If they did it in Cuba, in Venezuela or Bolivia, we'd be willing to take
them on with arms to defend the nation, natural resources and social
reforms," Morales said.

"Ten years ago, I said there'd soon be many Cubas in Latin America and I
now feel I was right ... . Now we've got another commander, our comrade
(Venezuelan President) Hugo Chavez. We've got two freedom-fighting
commanders ... whatever the empire says," added Morales, who often dubs
Washington "the North American empire."

Morales has formed close ties with Cuban President Fidel Castro and fellow
leftist Chavez since being elected six months ago on pledges to increase
state control of natural resources and fight poverty in South America's
poorest country.

He is the first Bolivian president to pay homage to Guevara in the
mountainous area where the Argentine-born medical doctor was captured and
shot to death by Bolivian soldiers as he sought to spread communism to
Bolivia.

Guevara was Fidel Castro's lieutenant in the 1959 Cuban Revolution. His
attempt to spark another movement in Bolivia in 1967 was stopped after
seven months of fighting in the subtropics.

He was captured on October 8 and taken to the school building in La
Higuera, where he was executed the next day at the age of 39.

Finishing off his speech in La Higuera, Morales shouted "Viva Cuba! Glory
to Che!" before Cuban doctors took the stage to sing "Happy Birthday" to
Guevara around an enormous birthday cake bearing 78 red candles.
--
¡Viva Puerto Rico Libre!
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